On İkinci Şuâ/en: Revizyonlar arasındaki fark

    Risale-i Nur Tercümeleri sitesinden
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    (Aynı kullanıcının aradaki diğer 96 değişikliği gösterilmiyor)
    4. satır: 4. satır:
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    Yes, we are a society and we are a society which every century has had three hundred  and fifty million [now one and a half thousand million] members. Every day through the five obligatory prayers, its members demonstrate with complete veneration their attachment  to the principles of that sacred society. Through  the  sacred programme of The believers are but a single brotherhood,(*<ref>*Qur’an, 49:10.</ref>)they hasten to assist one another with their prayers and spiritual gains.
    Evet, biz bir cemiyetiz ve öyle bir cemiyetimiz var ki her asırda üç yüz elli milyon dâhil mensupları var. Ve her gün beş defa namazla o mukaddes cemiyetin prensiplerine kemal-i hürmetle alâkalarını ve hizmetlerini gösteriyorlar. اِنَّمَا ال۟مُؤ۟مِنُونَ اِخ۟وَةٌ kudsî programıyla birbirinin yardımına dualarıyla ve manevî kazançlarıyla koşuyorlar. İşte biz bu mukaddes ve muazzam cemiyetin efradındanız.
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    We are members of that sacred, vast society, and our particular duty is to teach the believers in certain, verified fashion the Qur’anic truths  of  belief, and save them and ourselves from eternal extinction and everlasting  solitary  confinement  in the Intermediate  Realm.
    Ve hususi vazifemiz de Kur’an’ın imanî hakikatlerini tahkikî bir surette ehl-i imana bildirip onları ve kendimizi idam-ı ebedîden ve daimî, berzahî haps-i münferidden kurtarmaktır.
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    We have absolutely no connection with any worldly,  political, scheming society or clandestine group, or the covert  organizations  concerning  which  on  no  grounds  whatsover  we  have  been charged; we do not condescend to such things.
    Sair dünyevî ve siyasî ve entrikalı cemiyet ve komitelerle ve bizim medar-ı ittihamımız olan cemiyetçilik gibi asılsız ve manasız gizli cemiyetle hiçbir münasebetimiz yoktur ve tenezzül etmiyoruz.
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    If we had had any desire to interfere in worldly affairs, it would not have been with  such  buzzing like a fly, it would have exploded like the firing of a cannon.
    Dünyaya karışmak arzusu bizde bulunsaydı böyle sinek vızıltısı gibi değil, top güllesi gibi ses ve patlak verecekti.
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    To accuse someone who defended himself vehemently in the Military Court and in the office of the Speaker of the National Assembly in the presence of an angry Mustafa Kemal, of hatching plots for eighteen years without allowing anyone to be aware of it, is certainly due to some grudge or hatred. In this question, the Risale-i Nur should not be attacked because of my personal faults or  those of some of my brothers. It is bound directly to the Qur’an, and the Qur’an is bound  to  the Sublime Throne, so who could dare to stretch out his hand there and unfasten those strong ropes?
    Divan-ı Harb-i Örfîde ve Mustafa Kemal’in hiddetine karşı divan-ı riyasette, şiddetli ve dokunaklı müdafaa eden bir adam, on sekiz sene zarfında kimseye sezdirmeden dünya entrikalarını çeviriyor diye onu ittiham eden, elbette bir garazla eder. Bu meselede benim şahsımın veya bazı kardeşlerimin kusuruyla '''Risale-i Nur’a hücum edilmez. O, doğrudan doğruya Kur’an’a bağlanmış ve Kur’an dahi arş-ı a’zam ile bağlıdır. Kimin haddi var, elini oraya uzatsın, o kuvvetli ipleri çözsün.'''
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    Moreover, the Risale-i Nur, whose blessings —material and spiritual— for this country,  and its exceptional service,  are alluded  to  by thirty-three  of the Qur’an’s verses,  by  three predictions of Imam ‘Ali (May God be pleased with him), and the certain news of  Gawth al-A‘zam (May his mystery be sanctified), may not be held responsible for our petty,  personal faults; it cannot be and should not be. Irreparable harm will otherwise come to this country, both material and spiritual.(*<ref>*This petition was written twenty days before the Kastamonu earthquake. Through the blessings of the Risale-i Nur, Kastamonu was preserved from the disasters more than any other province, but now the disasters have begun and have confirmed what we said!              </ref>)
    Hem bu memlekete maddî ve manevî bereketi ve fevkalâde hizmeti, otuz üç âyât-ı Kur’aniyenin işaratıyla ve İmam-ı Ali radıyallahu anhın üç keramat-ı gaybiyesiyle ve Gavs-ı A’zam’ın kat’î ihbarıyla tahakkuk etmiş olan Risale-i Nur; bizim âdi ve şahsî kusurumuzdan mes’ul olmaz ve olamaz ve olmamalı. Yoksa bu memlekete hem maddî hem manevî telafi edilmeyecek derecede zarar olacak. '''(Hâşiye<ref>'''Hâşiye:''' Bu istida, kastamonu zelzelesinden yirmi gün evvel yazılmıştı. Risale-i Nur bereketiyle her vilayetten ziyade âfattan mahfuz kalmıştı. Şimdi âfat başladı ve davamızı tasdik etti. </ref>)'''
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    God  willing,  the  aggression  and  plots  against  the  Risale-i Nur  of some evil- minded  atheists will be foiled, for its students cannot be compared with others; they cannot  be  scattered  or made to  give  it  up; through God’s grace, they will not be defeated. They have won the regard of this nation, as though they were vital for it, and are  found  everywhere;  even  if  the  Qur’an  had  not  prevented  them  from physical defence, they still would not get  involved in minor, fruitless incidents like those of Shaykh Said and Menemen.(*<ref>*See page 385, footnotes 11, 12.ref>)If, God forbid, they were persecuted and the Risale-i Nur was attacked to the extext they felt compelled, those atheists and dissemblers who hoodwink the Government would certainly come to regret it a thousand times over.
    Bazı zındıkların şeytanetiyle Risale-i Nur’a karşı çevrilen planlar ve hücumlar inşâallah bozulacaklar, onun şakirdleri başkalara kıyas edilmez, dağıttırılmaz, vazgeçirilmez, Cenab-ı Hakk’ın inayetiyle mağlup edilmezler. Eğer maddî müdafaadan Kur’an men’etmeseydi, bu milletin can damarı hükmünde umumun teveccühünü kazanan ve her tarafta bulunan o şakirdler, Şeyh Said ve Menemen hâdiseleri gibi cüz’î ve neticesiz hâdiselerle bulaşmazlar. Allah etmesin, eğer mecburiyet derecesinde onlara zulmedilse ve Risale-i Nur’a hücum edilse elbette hükûmeti iğfal eden zındıklar ve münafıklar bin derece pişman olacaklar.
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    In Short: We do not interfere in the world of the worldly, so they should not interfere in our service of belief and in our lives of the hereafter.
    '''Elhasıl:''' Madem biz ehl-i dünyanın dünyalarına ilişmiyoruz, onlar da bizim âhiretimize, imanî hizmetimize ilişmesinler.
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    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
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    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
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    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
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    Sirs!
    '''Efendiler!'''
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    I tell you with certainty that apart from those here who have no connection or little connection with us and the Risale-i Nur, I have as many true brothers and loyal friends on the way of truth as you could wish. Through the certain discoveries of the Risale-i Nur, we know with the unshakeable certainty  of twice two equalling four that through the mystery of the Qur’an for us death has been transformed from eternal extinction into a discharge from duties, and that for those who  oppose us and follow misguidance certain death is either eternal annihilation (if they do not  have certain belief in the hereafter), or everlasting, dark solitary confinement  (if they believe  in  the hereafter and take the way of vice and misguidance).
    Size kat’î haber veriyorum ki: Buradaki zatların, bizimle ve Risale-i Nur’la münasebeti olmayan veya az bulunanlardan başka, istediğiniz kadar hakiki kardeşlerim ve hakikat yolunda hakikatli arkadaşlarım var. Biz Risale-i Nur’un keşfiyat-ı kat’iyesiyle iki kere iki dört eder derecesinde sarsılmaz bir kanaatle bilmişiz ki ölüm, bizim için sırr-ı Kur’an ile idam-ı ebedîden terhis tezkeresine çevrilmiş. Ve bize muhalif ve dalalette gidenler için o kat’î ölüm ya idam-ı ebedîdir (eğer âhirete kat’î imanı yoksa) veya ebedî ve karanlıklı haps-i münferiddir (eğer âhirete inansa ve sefahet ve dalalette gitmiş ise).
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    Is there a greater or more important question for man in this world than this that it can be a tool for it? I ask you! Since there is not and cannot be, why do you strive against us? In the face of your greatest penalty, we receive our discharge papers to go to the world of light, so we await it with complete fortitude.
    Acaba dünyada bu meseleden daha büyük daha ehemmiyetli bir mesele-i insaniye var mı ki bu, ona âlet olsun? Sizden soruyorum! Madem yoktur ve olamaz, neden bizimle uğraşıyorsunuz? Biz en ağır cezanıza karşı kendimiz, âlem-i nura gitmek için bir terhis tezkeresini alıyoruz diye kemal-i metanetle bekliyoruz.
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    But we know as clearly as seeing it, like we see you in this court, that those who reject us and condemn us  on  behalf  of  misguidance  will  in  a  very  short  time  be  condemned  to  eternal annihilation and solitary confinement and will suffer that awesome  punishment, and with our feelings of humanity we earnestly pity them.
    Fakat bizi reddedip dalalet hesabına mahkûm edenleri, sizi bu mecliste gördüğümüz gibi idam-ı ebedî ile ve haps-i münferidle mahkûm ve pek yakın bir zamanda o dehşetli cezayı çekeceklerini müşahede derecesinde biliyoruz belki görüyoruz; onlara insaniyet damarıyla cidden acıyoruz.
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    I am ready to prove this certain and important fact and also to silence the most stubborn of them. If I could not prove it as clearly as daylight, not to that unscholarly, prejuiced committee of scholars who knew  nothing  of  spiritual  and  moral  matters, but  to  the  greatest  scholars  and philosophers, I should be content with any punishment!
    Bu kat’î ve ehemmiyetli hakikati ispat etmeye ve en mütemerridleri dahi ilzam etmeye hazırım! Değil vukufsuz, garazkâr, maneviyatta behresiz ehl-i vukufa karşı belki en büyük âlim ve feylesoflarınıza karşı gündüz gibi ispat etmezsem, her cezaya razıyım!
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    Just as an example, I offer the treatise The Fruits of Belief, which was written for the prisoners on two Fridays, and explaining the principles and bases of the Risale-i Nur, is like a defence of it. We are working secretly under great difficulties to have this written out in  the  new letters(*<ref>*This refers to the Latin alphabet, which was adopted officially on the passing of a law in December 1928. It replaced the Ottoman (Arabic) script, which was thereafter banned. [Tr.]</ref>)so as to give it to the departments of government in Ankara. Read and study it carefully; if your heart (I cannot speak for your soul) does not  affirm  me, I shall remain silent in the face of whatever insults and torment you inflict on me in the solitary confinement in which I am now held!
    İşte yalnız bir numune olarak iki cuma gününde mahpuslar için telif edilen ve Risale-i Nur’un umdelerini ve hülâsa ve esaslarını beyan ederek Risale-i Nur’un bir müdafaanamesi hükmüne geçen Meyve Risalesi’ni ibraz ediyorum ve Ankara makamatına vermek için yeni harflerle yazdırmaya müşkülatlar içinde gizli çalışıyoruz. İşte onu okuyunuz, tam dikkat ediniz, eğer kalbiniz (nefsinize karışmam) beni tasdik etmezse bana şimdiki tecrid-i mutlak içinde her hakaret ve işkenceyi de yapsanız, sükût edeceğim!
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    '''In Short:''' Either leave the Risale-i Nur completely free, or smash this powerful and irrefutable truth if you can! Up to now, I have not thought of you and your world. And I was  not  going to  think  of it, but you forced me, and perhaps even Divine Determining sent us on this way in order to warn you. As for us, we resolved to take as our guide the sacred rule,  ‘Whoever believes in Divine Determining is saved from grief,’ and to meet all our difficulties with patience.
    '''Elhasıl:''' Ya Risale-i Nur’u tam serbest bırakınız veyahut bu kuvvetli ve zedelenmez hakikati elinizden gelirse kırınız! Ben şimdiye kadar sizi ve dünyanızı düşünmüyordum ve düşünmeyecektim fakat mecbur ettiniz; belki de sizi ikaz etmek lâzım idi ki kader-i İlahî bizi bu yola sevk etti. Biz de مَن۟ اٰمَنَ بِال۟قَدَرِ اَمِنَ مِنَ ال۟كَدَرِ düstur-u kudsîyi kendimize rehber edip her bir sıkıntılarınızı sabır ile karşılayacağız diye azmettik.
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    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
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    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
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    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
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    Saying that we are “corrupting religion,” they have censured us for compiling a Hizb al-Qur’ani, like a large An‘am,(*<ref>*See page 389, footnote 13.</ref>)out of hundreds of well-known verses which are the particular sources of the Risale-i Nur, although this is an Islamic custom that has been practised since the time of the Prophet.
    Zaman-ı saadetten şimdiye kadar cari bir âdet-i İslâmiyeye ittibaen Risale-i Nur’un hususi menbaları olan yüzer âyât-ı meşhureyi, büyük bir en’am gibi hizb-i Kur’anî yaptığımızı “Dinde tahrifat yapıyor.” diye muaheze etmişler.
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    They also want to convict us in connection with the Treatise On Islamic Dress, for which  I  have  already  served  a  year’s  sentence,  and  which  was  being  treated  as confidential,  and  as  recorded in the police  report,  was  pulled  out  from under the firewood — they want to show that it was written and published this year.
    Hem bir sene cezasını çektiğim ve mahrem tutulan, zabıtnamede kaydedildiği gibi odun yığınları altından çıkarılan Tesettür Risalesi’yle bu sene yazılmış ve neşredilmiş gibi bizi ittiham etmek ister.
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    Also, I said strong words to the person  (Mustafa Kemal) who was leader of the Government in Ankara; I criticized him to his face and he did not respond but remained silent; yet the natural, necessary, and  confidential  criticisms  I  made  of him after  his death while explaining the meaning of a Hadith which indicated his error, were held to be a crime. But what importance has the sake of someone who is dead  and no longer has any connection with the Government besides the sake of the nation and government and the laws of justice, which are a manifestation of Divine sovereignty?
    Hem Ankara’da Hükûmetin riyasetinde bulunan birisine (Mustafa Kemal’e) söylediğim itirazlara ve ağır sözlere mukabele etmeyip sükût eden ve o öldükten sonra, onun yanlışını gösteren bir hakikat-i hadîsiyeyi beyandaki fıtrî ve lüzumlu ve mahrem tenkitlerim, medar-ı mes’uliyet yapılmış. Ölmüş ve hükûmetten alâkası kesilmiş bir şahsın hatırı nerede? Ve Hükûmetin ve milletin bir hatırası ve Cenab-ı Hakk’ın bir tecelli-i hâkimiyeti olan adaletleri, kanunları nerede?
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    Moreover, freedom of conscience, which is one of  the  principles of  the Government of the Republic that we have most relied on and defended ourselves with, has been made the basis of charges against us; as though we oppose the principle of freedom of conscience.
    Hem biz, hükûmet-i cumhuriye ve esaslarından en ziyade kendimize medar-ı istinad ve onun ile kendimizi müdafaa ettiğimiz hürriyet-i vicdan esası, bizim aleyhimizde medar-ı mes’uliyet tutulmuş; güya biz, hürriyet-i vicdan esasına muarız gidiyoruz.
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    Another thing is attributed to me in the police  report, which has never ever occurred to me, that since I criticize the evils and faults of modern civilization, I do not accept the use of the radio,(*<ref>*I said, to encourage the offering of endless thanks for a supreme Divine bounty like the radio, that the Qur’an should be recited on the radio so that people could hear it all over the world, and the atmosphere of the globe would become a reciter of the Qur’an.</ref>)aeroplanes, and the railway; I am accused of opposing modern progress.
    Hem medeniyetin seyyiatını ve kusurlarını tenkit etmesinden hatır ve hayalime gelmeyen bir şeyi zabıtnamelerde isnad ediyor: Güya ben; radyo '''(Hâşiye<ref>'''Hâşiye:''' Radyo gibi azîm bir nimet-i İlahiyeye karşı azîm bir şükür olmak için: “Radyo Kur’an’ı okuyup bütün zemin yüzündeki insanlara dinlettirip küre-i havanın bir hâfız-ı Kur’an olmasıdır.” demiştim. </ref>)''', tayyare ve şimendiferin kullanılmasını kabul etmiyorum diye terakkiyat-ı hazıra aleyhinde bulunduğumla mes’ul ediyor.
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    God willing, the fair-minded, just Denizli public prosecutor and court will make analogies  with the above examples and show how unjust are these proceedings, and attach no importance to the unfounded suspicions in those reports.
    İşte bu numunelerine kıyasen ne kadar hilaf-ı adalet bir muamele olduğunu, inşâallah insaflı, adaletli olan Denizli Müddeiumumîsi ve Mahkemesi göstererek o zabıtnamelerin evhamlarına ehemmiyet vermeyecekler.
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    The most extraordinary of them is this, that the public prosecutor in another trial asked me: “You said in the confidential Fifth Ray that the army would save itself from the leadership of that fearsome person.
    Hem en acibi budur ki başka mahkemenin müddeiumumîsi benden sordu: Mahrem Beşinci Şuâ’da demişsin: “Ordu, dizginini o dehşetli şahsın elinden kurtaracak.” Muradın, orduyu hükûmete karşı itaatsizliğe sevk etmektir.
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    Your intention was to incite the army to rebel against the Government.” I replied: “What I meant was that the commander would either die or would be transferred, and the army would be saved from his  domination.” How can a treatise that is both extremely confidential, and copies of which have come into my possession only twice in eight years and then been lost, and expounds a universal meaning of a Hadith about the end of time, and was originally written long ago, and moreover one single soldier has not seen — how can such a treatise be the reason for such charges? army would save itself from the leadership of that fearsome person. Your intention was to incite the army to rebel against the Government.I replied: “What I meant was that the commander would either die or would be transferred, and the army would be saved from his  domination.” How can a treatise that is both extremely confidential, and copies of which have come into my possession only twice in eight years and then been lost, and expounds a universal meaning of a Hadith about the end of time, and was originally written long ago, and moreover one single soldier has not seen — how can such a treatise be the reason for such charges?
    Ben de dedim: “Maksadım; o kumandan ya ölecek veya tebdil edilecek, onun tahakkümünden kurtulacak demektir. Acaba hem gayet mahrem, sekiz senede yalnız iki defa elime geçen ve aynı zamanda kaybedilen hem âhir zamana ait bir hadîsin manasını küllî bir surette beyan eden hem aslı eskiden telif edilen bir risale hem bir tek nefer görmediği halde nasıl sebeb-i ittiham olur?” Maatteessüf, o insafsızların o acib ittihamı iddianameye girmiş.
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    The strangest of all was this, that I said in one place that Almighty God’s great bounties of the aeroplane, railway, and radio should be responded to with  great thanks, yet  mankind  had not done this and had rained down bombs on men’s heads with the planes. While  thanks for the vast bounty of the radio would be shown by making it a universal million-tongued reciter of the Qur’an which would allow people all over the earth to listen to  the Qur’an. And in the explanations in the Twentieth Word of Qur’anic predictions about the wonders of civilization, I said concerning the allusions of one verse that the unbelievers would defeat the Islamic world by means of the railway. Although I urged Muslims to work towards these wonders, I am accused at the end of the indictment because of the previous public  prosecutor’s malice, of “opposing modern advances like the railway, aeroplane, and radio.”
    Hem en garibi şudur ki: Bir yerde demişim “Cenab-ı Hakk’ın büyük nimetleri olan tayyare, şimendifer ve radyoya büyük şükür ile mukabele lâzımken beşer etmedi, tayyareler ile başlarına bomba yağdı. Ve radyo, öyle büyük bir nimet-i İlahiyedir ki ona mukabil şükür ise o radyo, milyonlar dilli bir küllî hâfız-ı Kur’an olup bütün zemin yüzündeki insanlara Kur’an’ı dinlettirsin.” Ve Yirminci Söz’de Kur’an’ın medeniyet hârikalarından gaybî haber verdiğini beyan ederken bir âyetin işareti olarak “Kâfirler şimendifer ile âlem-i İslâm’ı mağlup ederler.” demişim. İslâm’ı bu hârikalara teşvik ettiğim halde, bir sebeb-i ittiham olarak “Şimendifer ve tayyare ve radyo gibi terakkiyat-ı hazıra aleyhinde.” diye iddianamenin âhirinde beni evvelki müddeiumumînin garazlarına binaen ittiham eder.
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    Also, although it has absolutely no connection, someone had said about the name Risaletü’n-Nur, which is another name for the Risale-i Nur, that “it is ‘a message’ (risalet)  inspired from the light of the Qur’an;and attaching a wrong meaning from another place in the indictment, they made it into another charge, as though I had said “the Risale-i Nur is a Divine Messenger.”
    Hem hiçbir münasebeti olmadığı halde, bir adam Risale-i Nur’un ikinci bir ismi olan Risaletü’n-Nur tabirinden “Kur’an’ın nurundan bir risalettir, bir ilhamdır.demiş. İddianamede başka yerin verdikleri yanlış mana ile güya “Risale-i Nur bir resuldür.” diye benim için bir sebeb-i ittiham tutulmuş.
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    Also, I have proved decisively in twenty places in my defence that we would not make religion, the Qur’an, and the Risale-i Nur tools of anything, even in the face of the whole world, and we could not, and that we would not change a single of their truths for all the world, and that is how we are in fact. Over these last twenty years there are thousands of  evidences of this. Since  it  is thus, we declare with all our strength:
    Hem müdafaatımda yirmi yerde kat’î bir surette hüccetler ile ispat etmişiz ki bütün dünyaya karşı da olsa din ve Kur’an ve Risale-i Nur’u âlet edemeyiz ve edilmez ve biz, onların bir hakikatini dünya saltanatına değiştirmeyiz ve bilfiil öyleyiz. Bu davanın emareleri yirmi senede binlerdir. Madem böyledir, ben ve biz bütün kuvvetimizle deriz:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    For us God suffices and He is the Best Disposer of Affairs.(*<ref>*Qur’an, 3:173.</ref>)
    حَس۟بُنَا اللّٰهُ وَ نِع۟مَ ال۟وَكٖيلُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="İddianameye_karşı_itiraznamenin_tetimmesidir"></span>
    === İddianameye karşı itiraznamenin tetimmesidir ===
    ===A Supplement to My Objections to the Indictment===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    [Those addressed by these objections are not Denizli Court and the public prosecutor, but the malicious, suspicious officials, chiefly the Isparta and Inebolu prosecutors, who with their false and inaccurate records, were the cause of the extraordinary indictment against us here.]
    Bu itirazda muhatabım Denizli Mahkemesi ve Müddeiumumîsi değil belki başta Isparta ve İnebolu Müddeiumumîleri olarak, yanlış ve nâkıs zabıtnameleriyle buradaki acib iddianameyi aleyhimize verdiren garazkâr ve vehham memurlardır.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Firstly:''' The Risale-i Nur students, who are innocent and not in any way involved  in politics, have unimaginably and on no grounds whatsoever been called a political society,  and the unfortunates who have joined that circle and have no aim other than belief and the hereafter, have been considered guilty of being disseminators of that society, or active officers or members of it, or of reading the Risale-i Nur or teaching it or writing it out, and have been sent to trial.
    Evvela: Asl u faslı olmayan ve hatırıma gelmeyen bir siyasî cemiyet namını masum ve siyasetle hiç alâkaları olmayan Risale-i Nur talebelerine takıp ve o daire içine giren ve iman ve âhiretinden başka hiçbir maksatları bulunmayan bîçareleri, o cemiyetin nâşiri ya faal bir rüknü veya mensubu veya Risale-i Nur’u okumuş veya okutmuş veya yazmış diye suçlu sayıp mahkemeye vermek ne kadar adaletin mahiyetinden uzak olduğuna kat’î bir hücceti şudur ki:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    A certain proof of how far this is from the essence of justice is that although according to the principles of freedom of thought and freedom of study it is not considered a crime to read the harmful works of
    Kur’an aleyhinde yazılan, Doktor Duzi’nin ve sair zındıkların o muzır eserlerini okuyanlara, hürriyet-i fikir ve hürriyet-i ilmiye düsturuyla bir suç sayılmadığı halde; hakikat-i Kur’aniyeyi ve imaniyeyi öğrenmeye gayet muhtaç ve müştak olanlara güneş gibi bildiren Risale-i Nur okumak ve yazmak, bir suç sayılmış. Ve hem yüzer risale içinde yanlış mana verilmemek için mahrem tuttuğumuz ve neşrine izin vermediğimiz iki üç risalede yalnız birkaç cümlelerini bahane gösterip ittiham etmiş. Halbuki o risaleleri (biri müstesna) Eskişehir Mahkemesi tetkik etmiş, icabına bakmış. Ve müstesna ise hem istidamda ve hem itiraznamemde gayet kat’î cevap verildiği ve “Elimizde nur var, siyaset topuzu yok.” diye Eskişehir Mahkemesinde yirmi vecihle kat’î ispat edildiği halde o insafsız müddeîler, üç mahrem ve neşrolmayan risalelerin üç dört cümlelerini bütün Risale-i Nur’a teşmil eder gibi Risale-i Nur’u okuyan ve yazanı suçlu ve beni de hükûmet ile mübareze eder diye ittiham etmişler.
    Doctor Dozy(*<ref>*Reinhart Dozy (1820-1883), the Dutch orientalist one of whose works was the inaccurate and derogatory Essaie sur l’Histoire de l’Islamisme, which was translated into Turkish by the atheist Abdullah Cevdet and published under the title Târîh-i Islâmiyet (Cairo 1908). [Tr.]</ref>)and other atheists hostile to Islam, it is counted a crime for those people needy for the truths of the Qur’an and belief to read and write out the Risale-i Nur, which teaches those truths as brilliantly as the sun. In addition, only a few sentences from two or three treatises out of hundreds, which we had held to be confidential so that no wrong  meaning  be ascribed to them and had not permitted to be published, were made  the  pretext  for our indictment. Whereas with one exception,  Eskişehir Court  had  scrutinized  those  treatises, seen  what  they  necessitated. As  for  the exception,  I gave an extremely decisive  answer to  it  in both my petition,  and my objections to  Eskişehir  Court, and it was proved  in twenty respects that “we have light, not the club of politics.” Nevertheless, those unfair prosecutors inferred that the three  or  four  sentences  in  three  confidential  and  unpublished  treatises  could  be extended to the whole Risale-i Nur, and accused myself and those who read and write the Risale-i Nur of contesting the government.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I call to witness my close friends and those who meet with me, and I swear that apart from two Presidents, one deputy, and the Governor of Kastamonu, for more than ten years, I have not known who the members and ministers of the Government are, or its leaders, officials and deputies, and I have not had the slightest curiosity to find out. Is it at all possible for a person not to know the people he is contesting and not to be curious about them, for him not to know if they are friend or foe, and to attach no importance to finding out? It is clearly understood from this that they are concocting completely baseless pretexts to convict me whatever happens.
    Ben ve bana yakın ve benim ile görüşen dostlarımı işhad ve kasemle temin ederim ki: Bu on seneden ziyadedir ki iki reisden ve bir mebustan ve Kastamonu Valisinden başka, hükûmetin erkânını, vükelasını, kumandanları, memurları, mebusları kimler olduğunu kat’iyen bilmiyorum ve bilmeyi de merak etmemişim. Acaba hiç imkânı var mı ki bir adam mübareze ettiği adamları tanımasın ve bilmeye merak etmesin? Dost mu, düşman mı? Karşısındakini tanımasına ehemmiyet vermesin? Bu hallerden anlaşılıyor ki bi’l-iltizam herhalde beni mahkûm etmek için gayet asılsız bahaneleri icad ederler.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Since that is how it is, I say not to the court here, but to those unjust people: I don’t  give  tuppence  for  the  severest  penalty  you  can  inflict  on  me;  it  has  no importance. For  I am seventy years old and at the door of the grave. It is great good fortune for me to exchange one or two years of persecuted, innocent life for the rank of  martyrdom. Through  the  thousands  of  proofs  of  the  Risale-i Nur,  I  believe absolutely certainly that  for us  death consists of discharge papers. If we are to be executed, one hour’s distress would be the key to eternal happiness and mercy.
    Madem keyfiyet böyledir, ben de buranın mahkemesine değil belki o insafsızlara derim: Ben, sizin bana vereceğiniz en ağır cezanıza da beş para vermem ve hiç ehemmiyeti yok. Çünkü ben kabir kapısında, yetmiş yaşındayım. Böyle mazlum ve masum bir iki sene hayatı, şehadet mertebesiyle değiştirmek, benim için büyük saadettir. Risale-i Nur’un binler hüccetleriyle kat’î imanım var ki ölüm bizim için bir terhis tezkeresidir. Eğer idam da olsa bizim için bir saat zahmet, ebedî bir saadetin ve rahmetin anahtarı olur.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    But you unjust people who confuse the judiciary on account of atheism and preoccupy the Government with us for no reason! Know certainly that  you will be condemned to eternal annihilation and everlasting solitary confinement, and tremble! I see you will be made to pay for it many times over. I pity you even.
    Fakat siz ey zındıka hesabına adliyeyi şaşırtan ve hükûmeti bizimle sebepsiz meşgul eden insafsızlar! Kat’î biliniz ve titreyiniz ki siz, idam-ı ebedî ile ve ebedî haps-i münferid ile mahkûm oluyorsunuz. İntikamımız sizden pek çok ve muzaaf bir surette alınıyor görüyoruz. Hattâ size acıyoruz.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Yes, death, which has emptied this city a hundred times into the graveyard, certainly has greater demands than life. And the question of people being saved from being executed by it is the most pressing and most important they face and their most essential and certain need. Even lunatics, therefore, would understand that in the eyes of reality and justice those who accuse on petty pretexts the Risale-i Nur students, who have found this solution for themselves, and the Risale-i Nur, which provides it supported by thousands of proofs, themselves become the object of accusation.
    Evet, bu şehri yüz defa mezaristana boşaltan ölüm hakikati elbette hayattan ziyade bir istediği var. Ve onun idamından kurtulmak çaresi, insanların her meselesinin fevkinde en büyük ve en ehemmiyetli ve en lüzumlu bir ihtiyac-ı zarurî ve kat’îsidir. Acaba bu çareyi kendine bulan Risale-i Nur şakirdlerini ve o çareyi binler hüccetler ile bulduran Risale-i Nur’u, âdi bahaneler ile ittiham edenler ne kadar kendileri hakikat ve adalet nazarında müttehem oluyor, divaneler de anlar.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    There  are  three  matters  which  deceive  these  unjust  people,  leading  them  to suspect  the  Risale-i  Nur  students  are  a  political  society,  with  which  they  have absolutely no connection:
    '''Bu insafsızları aldatan ve hiçbir münasebeti olmayan bir siyasî cemiyet vehmini veren üç maddedir:'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''The First:''' Ever since early days, my students have been passionately attached to me, like brothers, and this has given rise to suspicions of a political society.
    '''Birincisi:''' Eskiden beri benim talebelerim benim ile kardeş gibi şiddetli alâkadar olmaları, bir cemiyet vehmini vermiş.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''The Second:''' Some of the Risale-i Nur students have acted like the groups within the Islamic community, the same as everywhere and as is permitted by the laws of the Republic, and this has been supposed to be a society. But the intention of those three or  four  students  was  not  some  sort  of  political  society,  it  was  purely  sincere brotherhood in the service of belief and a solidarity which looks to the hereafter.
    '''İkincisi:''' Risale-i Nur’un bazı şakirdleri, her yerde bulunan ve cumhuriyet kanunları müsaade eden ve ilişmeyen ve cemaat-i İslâmiye heyetleri gibi hareket etmelerinden bir cemiyet zannedilmiş. Halbuki o mahdud üç dört şakirdin niyetleri cemiyet memiyet değil belki sırf hizmet-i imaniyede hâlis bir kardeşlik ve uhrevî tesanüddür.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''The Third:''' Since those unjust people know themselves to be misguided and lovers of the life of this world, and since they find some of the laws of the land convenient for themselves, they say to themselves: “Doubtless, Said and his friends are opposed to us and to the laws of the Government  which  are  favourable  to  our  ‘civilized’  illicit  passions. They  must therefore have a political society which is antagonistic to us.”
    '''Üçüncüsü:''' O insafsızlar, kendilerini dalalet ve dünya-perestlikte bildiklerinden ve hükûmetin bazı kanunlarını kendilerine müsait bulduklarından fikren diyorlar ki: “Herhalde Said ve arkadaşları, bizlere ve hükûmetin bizim medenice nâmeşru hevesatımıza müsait kanunlarına muhaliftirler. Öyle ise muhalif bir cemiyet-i siyasiyedirler.”
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    So I say to them: You unfortunates! If the world had been eternal and man was going to remain in it for ever, and if man’s duties had consisted only of politics, there might possibly have been some meaning in these slanders of yours. And if I had embarked on this matter for political ends, you would have found not ten sentences in a hundred treatises, but a thousand, to be combative  and  connected  with  politics. And if to  suppose  the impossible, like you we were working with all our strength for worldly aims, pleasures, and politics —which even Satan could not make anyone believe and accept— even if it was  thus, since there is nothing  these  twenty  years  to  suggest this, and the Government looks to  the hand and not the heart, and all governments have fierce opponents; then still there is nothing with which we can be charged according the laws of justice. My final word is:
    '''Ben de derim:''' Hey bedbahtlar! Dünya ebedî olsaydı ve insan içinde daimî kalsaydı ve insanî vazifeler yalnız siyaset bulunsaydı belki bu iftiranızda bir mana bulunabilirdi. Hem eğer ben siyaset ile işe girseydim, yüz risalede on cümle değil belki bin cümleyi siyasetvari ve mübarezekârane bulacaktınız. Hem farz-ı muhal olarak eğer biz dahi sizin gibi bütün kuvvetimizle dünya maksatlarına ve keyiflerine ve siyasetlerine çalışıyoruz diye –ki şeytan da bunu inandırmaya çalışamıyor ve kimseye kabul ettiremez– haydi böyle de olsa madem bu yirmi senede hiçbir vukuatımız gösterilmiyor ve hükûmet ele bakar, kalbe bakamaz ve her bir hükûmette şiddetli muhalifler bulunur. Elbette yine adliye kanunu ile bizleri mes’ul etmezsiniz. Son sözüm:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    God suffices me, there is no god but He; in Him do I place my trust — He the Sustainer of the Throne [of Glory] Supreme!(*<ref>*Qur’an, 9:129.</ref>)
    حَس۟بِىَ اللّٰهُ لَٓا اِلٰهَ اِلَّا هُوَ عَلَي۟هِ تَوَكَّل۟تُ وَهُوَ رَبُّ ال۟عَر۟شِ ال۟عَظٖيمِ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    [I quote exactly an old memory and subtle matter of defence which was not disclosed in Eskişehir Court, and not officially recorded, and was not even written in my defence.]
    Eskişehir Mahkemesinde gizli kalmış, resmen zapta geçmemiş ve müdafaatımda dahi yazılmamış bir eski hatırayı ve latîf bir vakıa-i müdafaayı aynen beyan ediyorum.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    They asked me there:
    Orada benden sordular ki:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Cumhuriyet_hakkında_fikrin_nedir?"></span>
    === '''Cumhuriyet hakkında fikrin nedir?''' ===
    “What do you think about the Republic?”
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I replied: “My biography, which you have in your possession, proves that I was a religious republican before any of you, with the exception perhaps of the Chairman of Eskişehir Court, was born. A  summary of it is this:
    '''Ben de dedim:''' Eskişehir Mahkeme Reisinden başka daha sizler dünyaya gelmeden, ben dindar bir cumhuriyetçi olduğumu elinizdeki tarihçe-i hayatım ispat eder. Hülâsası şudur ki:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    like now, at that time I was living in seclusion in an uninhabited tomb. Someone would bring me soup and I used to give breadcrumbs to the ants. I used to eat my bread with the soup. Some people heard of this and asked me about it, and I told them: “The ant and bee nations are republicans; I give the ants the breadcrumbs out of respect for their republicanism.
    O zaman şimdiki gibi hâlî bir türbe kubbesinde inzivada idim, bana çorba geliyordu. Ben de tanelerini karıncalara verirdim, ekmeğimi onun suyu ile yerdim. İşitenler benden soruyordular, ben de derdim: Bu karınca ve arı milletleri cumhuriyetçidirler. O cumhuriyet-perverliklerine hürmeten tanelerini karıncalara verirdim. Sonra dediler: Sen selef-i salihîne muhalefet ediyorsun? Cevaben diyordum: '''Hulefa-i Raşidîn, her biri hem halife hem reisicumhur idi. Sıddık-ı Ekber (ra) Aşere-i Mübeşşere’ye ve sahabe-i Kiram’a elbette reisicumhur hükmünde idi. Fakat manasız isim ve resim değil belki hakikat-i adaleti ve hürriyet-i şer’iyeyi taşıyan mana-yı dindar cumhuriyetin reisleri idiler.'''
    So they said: “You are opposing  the  early leaders  of Islam.” I replied: “The Rightly-Guided Caliphs were both Caliph and presidents of the republic. Surely Abu Bakr the Veracious (May God be pleased with him), the Ten Promised Paradise, and the Companions of the Prophet were like presidents of the republic. But it was not some meaningless title; they were leaders of a religious republic  the  meaning of which was true  justice and the freedom of the Shari‘a.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Mr. Prosecutor and Members of the Court! You are accusing me of holding an idea the opposite of which I have held for fifty years. If you are asking about the secular republic, what I understand by it is that secularism means being unbiased; that is, in accordance with the principle of freedom of conscience, it refers to a government that does not interfere with religiously-minded and pious people, the same as it does not interfere with the irreligious  and dissolute. I have withdrawn from political and social  life  for  ten,  and  now  its  twenty,  years. I  do  not  know  the  state  of  the Government of the Republic. If, God forbid, it has taken on a fearsome form whereby, on account of irreligion, it promulgates laws indicting those who work for their belief and  lives  in  the  hereafter, I  proclaim  to  you  fearlessly  and  warn  you:
    İşte ey müddeiumumî ve mahkeme azaları! Elli seneden beri bende bulunan bir fikrin aksiyle, beni ittiham ediyorsunuz. Eğer laik cumhuriyet soruyorsanız ben biliyorum ki laik manası, bîtaraf kalmak yani hürriyet-i vicdan düsturuyla, dinsizlere ve sefahetçilere ilişmediği gibi dindarlara ve takvacılara da ilişmez bir hükûmet telakki ederim. On senedir –şimdi yirmi sene oluyor– ki hayat-ı siyasiye ve içtimaiyeden çekilmişim. Hükûmet-i cumhuriye ne hal kesbettiğini bilmiyorum. El-iyazü billah, eğer dinsizlik hesabına, imanına ve âhiretine çalışanları mes’ul edecek kanunları yapan ve kabul eden bir dehşetli şekle girmiş ise bunu size bilâ-perva ilan ve ihtar ederim ki:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    if I  had  a thousand lives, I would be ready to sacrifice all of them for belief and the hereafter. Do whatever you like, my last word is For us God suffices and He is the Best Disposer of Affairs.  In  the  face  of  your  sentencing  me  unjustly  to  capital  punishment  or  life imprisonment I say:
    Bin canım olsa imana ve âhiretime feda etmeye hazırım. Ne yaparsanız yapınız! Benim son sözüm حَس۟بُنَا اللّٰهُ وَ نِع۟مَ ال۟وَكٖيلُ olarak siz beni idam ve ağır ceza ile zulmen mahkûm etmenize mukabil derim:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    as the Risale-i Nur has discovered and proved certainly, I am not being  executed but discharged from my duties; I am going to the world of light and abode  of  bliss.  As  for  you, you  unfortunates  who  persecute  us  on  behalf  of misguidance! Since I  know  that you are being sentenced to eternal annihilation and everlasting solitary confinement, I am prepared to surrender up my spirit with perfect ease of mind, having taken my revenge on you completely.
    Ben Risale-i Nur’un keşf-i kat’îsiyle idam olmuyorum, belki terhis edilip nur âlemine ve saadet âlemine gidiyorum ve sizi ey dalalet hesabına bizi ezen bedbahtlar! İdam-ı ebedî ile ve daimî haps-i münferid ile mahkûm bildiğimden ve gördüğümden tamamıyla intikamımı sizden alarak kemal-i rahat-ı kalple teslim-i ruh etmeye hazırım!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Efendiler!"></span>
    === '''Efendiler!''' ===
    ===Sirs!===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I have formed the certain opinion as a result of numerous indications that we have been  attacked not for ‘breaching public security by exploiting religious feelings’ on behalf of the Government, but behind a tissue of lies, on behalf of atheism, because of our belief and our service to belief and public order.
    Çok emarelerle kat’î kanaatim gelmiş ki hükûmet hesabına “hissiyat-ı diniyeyi âlet ederek emniyet-i dâhiliyeyi ihlâl etmek” için bize hücum edilmiyor. Belki bu yalancı perde altında, zındıka hesabına, bizim imanımız için ve imana ve emniyete hizmetimiz için bize hücum edildiğine çok hüccetlerden bir hücceti şudur ki:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    One proof of this out of many is that despite twenty thousand people reading and accepting the twenty thousand copies of  the  parts  of the  Risale-i Nur  over  twenty  years, public  security has  not  been breached by students of the Risale-i Nur on any occasion whatsover, and no such incident has been recorded by the Government, and neither the former nor the present  courts  have  found  such  a  incident. Whereas,  had  there  been  any  such widespread, powerful propaganda, it would have become apparent within twenty days. That is to say, contrary to the principle of freedom of conscience, Article 163 of this ambiguous law,(*<ref>*Article 163 of the Criminal Code: a law designed to enforce the principle of ‘secularism,’ and prevent the growth of any religious movements. [Tr.]</ref>)which  embraces all who give religious counsel, is a bogus mask. Atheists deceive certain members of the Government, confuse the legal establishment, and want to crush us whatever happens.
    Yirmi sene zarfında, Risale-i Nur’un yirmi bin nüshaları ve parçalarını yirmi bin adamlar okuyup kabul ettikleri halde, Risale-i Nur’un şakirdleri tarafından emniyetin ihlâline dair hiçbir vukuat olmamış ve hükûmet kaydetmemiş ve eski ve yeni iki mahkeme bulmamış. Halbuki böyle kesretli ve kuvvetli propaganda, yirmi günde vukuatlar ile kendini gösterecekti. Demek, hürriyet-i vicdan prensibine zıt olarak bütün dindar nasihatçilere şâmil, lastikli bir kanunun 163’üncü maddesi sahte bir maskedir. Zındıklar, bazı erkân-ı hükûmeti iğfal ederek, adliyeyi şaşırtıp bizi herhalde ezmek istiyorlar.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Since the reality of the matter is this, we say with all our strength: o wretches who sell religion for the world and have fallen into absolute unbelief! Do whatever you can! Your world  will be the end of you! Let our heads also be sacrificed for a truth that hundreds of millions of heads have been sacrificed for! We are ready for any penalty and for our execution! In this situation, being outside prison is a hundred times worse than being inside it. Since there is no  freedom at all —neither religious freedom, nor freedom of conscience,  nor scholarly  freedom—  under the absolute despotism that confronts us, for those with honour, the people of religion and supporters of freedom, there  is  no  solution  apart  from death  or  entering  prison. We say, To God do we belong, and to Him is our return,(*<ref>*Qur’an, 2:156.</ref>)and we trust in our Sustainer.
    Madem hakikat budur, biz de bütün kuvvetimizle deriz: Ey dinini dünyaya satan ve küfr-ü mutlaka düşen bedbahtlar! Elinizden ne gelirse yapınız. Dünyanız başınızı yesin ve yiyecek! Yüzer milyon kahraman başlar feda oldukları bir kudsî hakikate, başımız dahi feda olsun! Her ceza ve idamınıza hazırız! Hapsin harici bu vaziyette, yüz derece dâhilinden daha fenadır. Bize karşı gelen böyle bir istibdad-ı mutlak altında hiçbir hürriyet –ne hürriyet-i ilmiye ne hürriyet-i vicdan ne hürriyet-i diniye– olmamasından ehl-i namus ve diyanet ve taraftar-ı hürriyet olanlara ya ölmek veya hapse girmekten başka bir çare kalmaz. Biz de اِنَّا لِلّٰهِ وَاِنَّٓا اِلَي۟هِ رَاجِعُونَ diyerek Rabb’imize dayanıyoruz.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Mahkeme_Reisi_Ali_Rıza_Beyefendi!"></span>
    === Mahkeme Reisi Ali Rıza Beyefendi! ===
    ===Chairman of the Court, Ali Riza Bey!===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I have an important request in order to defend my rights: I do not know the new letters, and my handwriting in the old is very inadequate. Also, they do not allow me to  meet with  anyone; I am kept in what is quite simply solitary confinement. The indictment was even taken off me after fifteen minutes. I also do not have the means to employ a lawyer. I was able  to obtain only one copy of part of the defence I have presented to you, in the new letters, secretly. I also had written out one or two copies of The Fruits of Belief, which is a sort of defence of the Risale-i Nur and a summary of  its  way,  to  give  to  the  public  prosecutor  and  to  send  to  the  departments  of government in Ankara. They suddenly took them off  me and have not returned them. Whereas the judicial authorities in Eskişehir sent a typewriter to the prison for us. We wrote out one or two copies of our defences on it in the new letters, and the Court wrote them out as well.
    Hukukumu müdafaa etmek için ehemmiyetli bir talebim ve bir ricam var. Ben yeni harfleri bilmiyorum ve eski yazım da pek nâkıstır hem beni başkalarla görüştürmüyorlar, âdeta tecrid-i mutlak içindeyim. Hattâ iddianame, on beş dakikadan sonra benden alındı. Hem avukat tutmak iktidarım yok. Hattâ size takdim ettiğim müdafaatımın, çok zahmetle, bir kısmını gizli olarak ancak yeni harf ile bir suretini alabildim. Hem Risale-i Nur’un bir nevi müdafaanamesi ve mesleğinin hülâsası olan Meyve Risalesi’nin bir suretini müddeiumuma vermek için ve bir iki suretini Ankara makamatına göndermek için yazdırmıştım. Birden onları elimden aldılar, daha vermediler. Halbuki Eskişehir Adliyesi, bize bir makineyi hapse gönderdi. Biz müdafaatımızı onda, yeni harfle bir iki nüsha yazdık hem o mahkeme dahi yazdı.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    My urgent request, therefore, is either you supply us with a typewriter, or allow us to procure one outside so that we can type out in the new letters two  or three copies of both our defences, and the treatise which is a sort of defence of the Risale-i Nur. We shall then send them to both the Ministry of Justice, and the Cabinet, and the National Assembly, and the Council of State. For it is the Risale-i Nur that is the basis of the indictment, and the charges against the Risale-i Nur and the objections to it are not some petty, personal matter so that no importance should be attached to them. On the contrary, it is a general matter of serious concern to the nation, country, and Government, and will therefore arouse significant attention in the Islamic world.
    İşte ehemmiyetli talebim: Ya bize bir makineyi siz veriniz veya bize müsaade ediniz, biz celbedeceğiz. Tâ ki hem müdafaatımı hem Risale-i Nur’un müdafaanamesi hükmündeki risaleyi yeni harfle iki üç suretini alıp hem Adliye Vekâletine hem Heyet-i Vekileye hem Meclis-i Mebusana hem Şûra-yı Devlete göndereceğiz. Çünkü iddianamede bütün esas, Risale-i Nur’dur ve '''Risale-i Nur’a ait dava ve itiraz, cüz’î bir hâdise ve şahsî bir mesele değil ki çok ehemmiyet verilmesin. Belki bu milleti ve memleketi ve hükûmeti ciddi alâkadar edecek ve dolayısıyla âlem-i İslâm’ın nazar-ı dikkatini ehemmiyetli bir surette celbedecek bir küllî hâdise hükmünde ve umumî bir meseledir.'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Yes, those who covertly attack the Risale-i Nur are those who in order to destroy the regard, love, and brotherhood of the Islamic world, which is the greatest strength of this country’s people, and arouse  loathing, are covertly establishing absolute disbelief by making politics the tool of irreligion. They have deceived the Government and twice confused the legal establishment, saying: “The Risale-i Nur and its students exploit religion for politics and there is the possibility of their disturbing public order and security.
    Evet, Risale-i Nur’a perde altında hücum eden, ecnebi parmağıyla bu vatandaki milletin en büyük kuvveti olan âlem-i İslâm’ın teveccühünü ve muhabbetini ve uhuvvetini kırmak ve nefret verdirmek için siyaseti dinsizliğe âlet ederek perde altında küfr-ü mutlakı yerleştirenlerdir ki hükûmeti iğfal ve adliyeyi iki defadır şaşırtıp der: “Risale-i Nur ve şakirdleri, dini siyasete âlet eder, emniyete zarar ihtimali var.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    You unfortunates! The Risale-i Nur definitely has no connection with politics, but since it has smashed  absolute disbelief, it destroys and repulses  anarchy,  which underlies absolute  disbelief, and absolute  despotism, which  overlies it. One of the hundreds of proofs that it  ensures public order, security, freedom, and justice is The Fruits of Belief (Meyve Risalesi), which is like its defence. It should be scrutinized by a committee of prominent scholars and sociologists; if they do not confirm what I say, I consent to any punishment or tortuous execution!
    Hey bedbahtlar! Risale-i Nur’un gerçi siyasetle alâkası yoktur fakat küfr-ü mutlakı kırdığı için küfr-ü mutlakın altı olan anarşiliği ve üstü olan istibdad-ı mutlakı esasıyla bozar, reddeder. Emniyeti, asayişi, hürriyeti, adaleti temin ettiğine yüzer hüccetlerden biri, bu müdafaanamesi hükmündeki Meyve Risalesi’dir. Bunu âlî bir heyet-i ilmiye ve içtimaiye tetkik etsinler, eğer beni tasdik etmezlerse ben her cezaya ve işkenceli idama razıyım!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Reis_Beyefendi!"></span>
    === Reis Beyefendi! ===
    ===Chairman of the Court!===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Three matters have been made the basis of the Indictment:
    Kararnamede üç madde esas tutulmuş:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''The First''' is a political society. I cite as witnesses all the Risale-i Nur students here and those who have met with me, and those who read or write out the Risale-i Nur; you may ask them. I have not said to anyone that we were going to set up a political society or a Naqshbandi association.
    '''Birisi:''' Cemiyettir. Ben buradaki bütün Risale-i Nur şakirdlerini ve benimle görüşenleri veya okuyan ve yazanlarını aynıyla işhad ediyorum, onlardan sorunuz ki ben hiçbirisine dememişim: “Bir cemiyet-i siyasiye veya cemiyet-i nakşiye teşkil edeceğiz.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I always told them that we were going to work to save belief. No society has been mentioned among us apart from the sacred community of Islam, which includes all believers and has more  than three hundred  million  members. Through the brotherhood of all believers and because of our service of the Qur’an, we found ourselves in the ‘Party of the Qur’an’ (Hizb al-Qur’an), which in the Qur’an is called the Hizb Allah. If this is what is meant in the Indictment, we admit to it wholeheartedly and with pride. But if something else is meant, we know nothing of it!
    Daima dediğim budur: Biz imanımızı kurtarmaya çalışacağız. Umum ehl-i iman dâhil oldukları ve üç yüz milyondan ziyade efradı bulunan bir mukaddes cemaat-i İslâmiyeden başka mabeynimizde medar-ı bahis olmadığını ve Kur’an’da “hizbullah” namı verilen ve umum ehl-i imanın uhuvveti cihetiyle kendimizi, Kur’an’a hizmetimiz için hizbü’l-Kur’an, hizbullah dairesinde bulmuşuz. Eğer kararnamede bu mana murad ise bütün ruhumuzla, kemal-i iftiharla itiraf ederiz. Eğer başka manalar murad ise onlardan haberimiz yoktur!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''The Second Matter:''' As is stated in the Indictment and confirmed by the report of the  Kastamonu police, some  books  like  the  Treatise  On  Islamic  Dress  (Tesettür Risalesi)  and  The Six  Attacks (Hücumat-Sitte)  and its addendum, were found in nailed boxes under  piles  of firewood and coal in a condition that would in no way allow them to  be published.  They had been scrutinized  and criticized  by Eskişehir Court, a light sentence had been  served  for them, and they had most certainly been treated as private. Now, reading false meanings into some of their sentences, it wants to take us back nine years and charge us again with a crime the penalty of which we have already served.
    '''İkinci Madde:''' Kararnamenin itirafıyla, Kastamonu Zabıtasının rapor ve tasdikiyle, hiç neşrolunmayacak tarzda odun ve kömür yığınları altında ve mıhlı sandıklarda bulunan ve Eskişehir Mahkemesinin tetkikinden ve tenkidinden geçen ve bir hafif cezayı çektiren ve kat’iyen mahrem tutulan Tesettür Risalesi ve Hücumat-ı Sitte ve Zeyli Risalesi gibi kitaplardan bazı cümlelerine yanlış mana vererek dokuz sene evvelki zamana bizi götürüp cezasını çektiğimiz suç ile mes’ul etmek istiyor.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''The Third Matter:''' In several places in the Indictment, phrases have been used which  express possibility rather than actual occurrences, like “he may breach state security or he may harm it.” It is possible for everyone to commit murder, but are they to be charged with it due to the possibility?
    '''Üçüncü Madde:''' Kararnamede kaç yerinde: “Devletin emniyetini ihlâl edebilir veya yapabilir.” gibi tabirlerle imkânat, vukuat yerinde istimal edilmiş. Herkes mümkündür ki bir katl yapsın, bu imkân ile mes’ul olabilir mi?
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Reis_Beyefendi!"></span>
    === Reis Beyefendi! ===
    Chairman of the Court!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I present my defence, which is in the form of a petition I sent to the departments of government in Ankara and to the President, and the reply from the Prime Minister’s Office, which shows that they recognized its importance. Contained in this defence are decisive answers to the unfounded and offensive suspicions that the prosecution have stated against us. There are numerous untrue and illogical things in the report of the committee of experts from here, which was based on the superficial and malicious reports of other places; my objections to these too have been presented.
    Ankara makamatına ve Reisicumhura istida suretinde gönderdiğim müdafaanamemi ve Başvekâletin de bunu ehemmiyetle kabul ettiklerini gösteren cevabî mektubunu rabten sunuyorum, takdim ederim. Makam-ı iddianın aleyhimizde beyan ettiği asılsız, ittihamkârane evhamın kat’î cevapları bu müdafaatımda vardır. Sair yerlerin garazkârane ve sathî zabıtnamelerine bina edilen buranın ehl-i vukuf raporunda hilaf-ı vaki ve mantıksız çok sözler vardır ki onlara karşı da bu itiraznamem takdim edilmişti. Ezcümle:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''In Short:''' As I stated before, I told Eskişehir Court when they wanted to convict me under Article 163: out of two hundred deputies of the Republican Government, the same  number, 163, agreed to assign  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand liras to my medrese(*<ref>*See, page 483, footnote 69.</ref>)in Van. Due to this, the regard in which the Republican Government held me invalidates Article 163 as far as I am concerned. Although I told the court this, the committee of experts corrupted  what  I  said  and  wrote: “163 deputies  opened proceedings against Said.” It is because of this totally baseless accusation of that first experts’ committee that the prosecution is making charges against us.
    Size evvelce arz ettiğim gibi Eskişehir Mahkemesine, 163’üncü madde ile beni mahkûm etmek istedikleri zaman demiştim: Hükûmet-i cumhuriyenin iki yüz mebusu içinde aynı rakam 163 mebusun imzalarıyla Van’daki dârülfünunuma (medreseme) yüz elli bin banknot tahsisat kabul etmeleri ve onun ile hükûmet-i cumhuriyenin bana karşı teveccühü, bu 163’üncü maddeyi hakkımda hükümden ıskat ediyor, dediğim halde o ehl-i vukuf “163 mebus Said aleyhinde takibat yapmışlar.” diye tahrif etmiş.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    This is in spite of the fact that the Risale-i Nur had been referred, on your decision, to the highest learned  and scientific committee, and having studied and scrutinized all its parts, the committee  unanimously made this statement  about us: “There is nothing explicit or inferred in the writings of Said and the Risale-i Nur students which suggests that they have any intent to exploit religion or sacred matters, encourage the breaching of state security, or found a political society, or conspire in any way against the Government. It is understood that in their correspondences, Said’s students did not nurture any evil intentions against the Government, or have the idea of founding a political association, or establishing a sufi order.”
    İşte makam-ı iddia da bu ehl-i vukufun böyle bütün bütün asılsız ittihamlarına binaen bizi mes’ul tutuyor. Halbuki meclisinizin kararıyla, en yüksek heyet-i ilmiye ve fenniyenin tetkikine ve tahkikine havale edilen Risale-i Nur’un bütün eczaları tetkikten sonra bi’l-ittifak, hakkımızda verdiği kararda: “Said’in ve Risale-i Nur şakirdlerinin yazılarında dini, mukaddesatı âlet edip devletin emniyetini ihlâle teşvik veya bir cemiyet kurmak ve hükûmete karşı bir sû-i maksadı bulunmak kasdında olduğunu gösterir bir sarahat ve emare olmadığını ve Said’in şakirdleri, muhaberelerinde hükûmete karşı kötü bir kasd beslemek, bir cemiyet kurmak veya tarîkat gütmek fikriyle hareket etmedikleri anlaşılmaktadır.” diye müttefikan karar vermişler.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    The second committee of experts also stated unanimously that “ninety-nine per cent of Said Nursi’s treatises are both sincere, and disinterested, and have in no way departed from the principles of scholarship, reality, and religion. There is clearly nothing in them exploiting religion, or concerning the formation of a political society, or breaching security. The  letters  and  correspondence between the students and between them and Said Nursi are of this sort. Apart from five or ten confidential, complaining, and unscholarly pieces, all the treatises expound Qur’anic verses or the true  meanings of Hadiths. Ninety per cent of the  available  treatises contain comparisons  illustrating clearly the tenets of belief in God,the  Prophet, and  the hereafter and their terminology, scholarly views, moral admonitions to the elderly and to youths, and instructive incidents selected from his experiences in life. They contain nothing which could damage the Government, administration, or public security.
    Hem ehl-i vukuf “Said Nursî’nin yüzde doksan risalesi hem samimi hem hasbî hem ilim ve hakikat ve din esaslarından hiçbir cihetle ayrılmamışlar; bunlarda dini âlet etmek veya cemiyet teşkil etmekle emniyeti ihlâl hareketinin bulunmadığı sarîhtir. Şakirdlerin birbiriyle ve Said Nursî’yle muhabere mektupları da bu nevidendirler. Beş on mahrem ve şekvalı ve gayr-ı ilmî olan risalelerden başka bütün risaleleri her biri bir âyetin tefsiri ve bir hadîs-i şerifin hakikati namına yazılmışlardır. Din, iman, Allah, peygamber, âhiret akidelerini ve ibarelerini açıkça anlatmak için temsiller ile yazılmış ve ilmî görüşleri ve ihtiyarlara ve gençlere ahlâkî öğütler ve hayat tecrübesinden alınmış ibretli vak’aları ve faydalı menkıbeleri ihtiva eden mevcudun yüzde doksanını teşkil eden risalelerdir. Hükûmete ve idareye ve asayişe ilişecek hiçbir ciheti yoktur.” diye müttefikan karar vermişlerdir.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Thus, the prosecution ignored the report of this eminent  committee and made extraordinary charges against us based on the confused, deficient first report, so we are truly  extremely upset. We in no way deem it fitting for this just court with its proven fairness.
    İşte makam-ı iddia, bu yüksek ehl-i vukufun raporuna bakmayarak eski ve müşevveş ve nâkıs rapora binaen acib tarzlarda bizi ittiham etmesinden hakikaten fevka’l-had müteessir bulunmaktayız. Bu insaflı mahkemenin müsellem insaflarına elbette yakıştırmayız.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    If there be no mistake in the comparison, it resembles this story: they asked a Bektashi why he did not perform the obligatory prayers. He told them: “It says in the Qur’an ‘Approach not the prayers.’” When they reminded him that the verse continued “When you are intoxicated,(*<ref>*Qur’an, 4:43.</ref>)he told them: “I have not memorized the whole Qur’an.” They take a single sentence from the Risale-i Nur, and disregarding what follows it, which puts it in context and explains it, use it against us. Thirty to forty examples of this are to be seen in the defence I shall present, when comparing it with the indictment. I shall
    Hattâ –temsilde hata olmasın– bir Bektaşî’ye: “Ne için namaz kılmıyorsun?” demişler. O da: “Kur’an’da لَا تَق۟رَبُوا الصَّلٰوةَ var.” demiş. Ona demişler: “Bunun arkasını, yani وَ اَن۟تُم۟ سُكَارٰى yı da oku.” denildiğinde “Ben hâfız değilim.” demiş olması kabîlinden, Risale-i Nur’un bir cümlesini tutup o cümleyi ta’dil ve neticeyi beyan eden âhirini almayarak aleyhimizde verilmektedir. Takdim edeceğim müdafaanamemde, o iddianameye karşı mukayese edildiğinde bunun otuz kırk misali görülecektir. Bu numunelerden latîf bir vakıayı beyan ediyorum:
    recount a subtle incident which is one of those examples:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    The  prosecution  in Eskişehir Court used a phrase  about  the  Risale-i Nur’s instruction  in belief which was anyway the result of an error, like “it corrupts the people.” Although  it  later did not use it, one of the Risale-i Nur students called Abdürrezzaq, said a year after the trial:
    Eskişehir Mahkemesinde makam-ı iddianın nasılsa bir sehiv neticesi, Risale-i Nur’un iman derslerine “Halkları ifsad ediyor.” gibi bir tabir ve sonradan o tabirden vazgeçtiği halde, Risale-i Nur şakirdlerinden Abdürrezzak namında bir zat mahkemeden bir sene sonra demiş:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    “You unfortunate! The Risale-i Nur has received the indirect praise of thirty-three Qur’anic  verses,  its  value  for  religion  has  been  established  by  three  miraculous predictions of Imam ‘Ali (May God be pleased with him) and the powerful allusions of Gawth al-A‘zam (May his mystery be sanctified); these twenty years it has caused the Government  no  trouble  whatsoever,  and  besides  not  harming  anyone  at  all,  has illumined and guided thousands of the sons of this land, and strengthened their belief and rectified their conduct, and yet you call that guidance ‘corruption.’ You have no fear of God! May your tongue be cursed!”
    “Hey bedbaht! Otuz üç âyât-ı Kur’aniye işaratının takdirine mazhar ve İmam-ı Ali’nin (ra) üç kerametinin ihbar-ı gaybîsiyle ve Gavs-ı A’zam’ın (ks) kuvvetli bir tarzda ihbarıyla kıymet-i diniyesi tahakkuk eden ve bu yirmi sene zarfında idareye hiçbir zararı dokunmayan ve hiç kimseye hiçbir zarar vermemesi ile beraber binler vatan evladını tenvir ve irşad eden ve imanlarını kuvvetlendiren ve ahlâklarını düzelten Risale-i Nur’un irşadlarına ‘ifsad’ diyorsun. Allah’tan korkmuyorsun, dilin kurusun!” demiş.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Now, the prosecution has seen these words of that student, so I refer to your fairness and conscience the expression: “Said has spread corruption.”
    Şimdi bu şakirdin haklı olarak bu sözünü makam-ı iddia gördüğü halde “Said, etrafına fesat saçmış.” tabirini insafınıza ve vicdanınıza havale ediyorum.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    With  the  idea  of  interfering  in  the  social  teachings  of the  Risale-i Nur, the prosecution said: “The place of religion is the conscience; it cannot be tied to laws and regulations.
    Makam-ı iddia, Risale-i Nur’un içtimaî derslerine ilişmek fikriyle “Dinin tahtı ve makamı vicdandır, hükme kanuna bağlanmaz. Eskiden bağlanmasıyla içtimaî keşmekeşler olmuştur.” dedi.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Formerly there was social unrest because it was tied to laws.” So I say: “Religion does not consist only of belief; its second half is righteous action. Is fear of imprisonment or  being seen by a government detective sufficient to deter those who commit  numerous  grievous  sins which poison society,  like murder, adultery, theft, gambling, and  drinking? If  that  was  so, there  would  have  to  be  a  policeman  or detective stationed permanently in  every house, or at everyone’s side even, so that obdurate souls would restrain themselves from those filthy acts. Whereas, in respect of good deeds and belief, the Risale-i Nur places a  permanent immaterial ‘prohibitor’ next to everyone. It easily saves them from bad deeds by recalling the prison of Hell and Divine wrath.
    Ben de derim ki: “Din yalnız iman değil belki amel-i salih dahi dinin ikinci cüzüdür. Acaba katl, zina, sirkat, kumar, şarap gibi hayat-ı içtimaiyeyi zehirlendiren pek çok büyük günahları işleyenleri onlardan men’etmek için yalnız hapis korkusu ve hükûmetin bir hafiyesinin görmesi tevehhümü kâfi gelir mi? O halde her hanede, belki herkesin yanında daima bir polis, bir hafiye bulunmak lâzım gelir ki serkeş nefisler kendilerini o pisliklerden çeksinler. İşte '''Risale-i Nur amel-i salih noktasında, iman canibinden, herkesin başında her vakit bir manevî yasakçıyı bulundurur. Cehennem hapsini ve gazab-ı İlahîyi hatırına getirmekle fenalıktan kolayca kurtarır.”'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Also, due to the signature in one treatise  of a  wonderful and extra-ordinary ‘coincidence,’ the prosecution made a meaningless inference, saying “the members of a political society.” Are the holders of signatures of this sort in the account books of tradesmen and innkeepers called a society. There was a similar baseless accusation in Eskişehir Court. When I replied and showed the treatise called The Miracles of Muhammad (PBUH), they were astonished. If we had formed a worldly society, those who had suffered so much harm on my account would certainly have fled from me in total abhorrence.
    Hem makam-ı iddia bir risalenin güzel ve fevkalâde kerametkârane bir tevafukunun imza edilmesiyle “bir cemiyet efradı” diye manasız bir emare beyan etmiş. Acaba esnafların ve hancıların defterlerinde bulunan bu nevi imzalara cemiyet unvanı verilir mi? Eskişehir’de aynı böyle bir vehim oldu. Cevap verdiğim ve Mu’cizat-ı Ahmediye Risalesi’ni gösterdiğim zaman taaccüble karşıladılar. Eğer mabeynimizde dünyevî bir cemiyet olsaydı, bu derece benim yüzümden zarar görenler, elbette kemal-i nefretle benden kaçacak idiler.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    This means that just as I and we have a relationship with Imam Ghazali which is not broken off because it pertains to the hereafter  not  to  this  world;  so these  innocent, sincere, pure religious  people have displayed  a powerful attachment  to  an  unfortunate  like myself for the sake of his teachings about belief. This has given rise to  unfounded suspicions of an imaginary political society. My last word is:
    Demek nasıl ben ve biz, İmam-ı Gazalî ile irtibatımız var, kopmuyor çünkü uhrevîdir, dünyaya bakmıyor. Aynen öyle de bu masum ve safi ve hâlis dindarlar, benim gibi bir bîçareye iman derslerinin hatırı için bir kuvvetli alâka göstermişler. Ondan bu asılsız, mevhum bir cemiyet-i siyasiye vehmini vermiş. Son sözüm:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    For us God suffices and He is the Best Disposer of Affairs.
    حَس۟بُنَا اللّٰهُ وَنِع۟مَ ال۟وَكٖيلُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Prisoner in solitary confinement
    Mevkuf, haps-i münferidde
    '''Said Nursi'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    [This piece is very important]
    '''Bu gelen kısım çok ehemmiyetlidir'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Son_Sözün_Bir_Mühim_Parçası"></span>
    === Son Sözün Bir Mühim Parçası ===
    ===An Important Part of My Final Word===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Sirs! Chairman of the Court! Take note!
    Efendiler, Reis Bey, dikkat ediniz! Risale-i Nur’u ve şakirdlerini mahkûm etmek, doğrudan doğruya küfr-ü mutlak hesabına, hakikat-i Kur’aniye ve hakaik-i imaniyeyi mahkûm etmek hükmüne geçmekle; bin üç yüz seneden beri her senede üç yüz milyon onda yürümüş ve üç yüz milyar Müslümanların hakikate ve saadet-i dâreyne giden cadde-i kübralarını kapatmaya çalışmaktır ve onların nefretlerini ve itirazlarını kendinize celbetmektir. Çünkü o caddede gelip gidenler, gelmiş geçmişlere dualar ve hasenatlarıyla yardım ediyorlar. Hem bu mübarek vatanın başına bir kıyamet kopmaya vesile olmaktır.
    Since to convict the Risale-i Nur and its students is the equivalent of convicting the  truths  of the  Qur’an and belief, it is to try to  close —directly on account of absolute disbelief—  the highway taken every year for one thousand three hundred years by three hundred million Muslims, leading to reality and the happiness of both worlds, and it will attract towards yourself their revulsion and objections. For those on the highway assist with their prayers and good works those who have already passed down it. It  will also  be a means  to  a  doomsday breaking  forth over this  blessed country.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    What answer will you give at the Last Judgement when you are asked in the face of those three hundred thousand million claimants: “You did not interfere with the French  work  by Doctor  Dozy called  Tarih-i Islam, which  from beginning  to  end attacks Islam, your country and your religion, nor with the works of atheists in your libraries and their free availability, nor with the students of those books who formed themselves into illegal societies, nor with the societies who opposed your politics like the communists, anarchists, the old revolutionary societies, or the negative Turkists; so why have you interfered with the readers of a work of truth and reality like the Risale-i Nur, a true commentary on the  Qur’an, and its students, who have no connection with politics whatsoever and have taken the  highway of the Qur’an and belief solely to save themselves and their fellow-countrymen from eternal annihilation and solitary confinement? And why have you called the friendship  and  brotherhood of those sincerely religious people which looks only to  the hereafter,  a  political society? You have convicted  them under a bizarre law, and that is what you wanted.” We ask you the same thing.
    Acaba mahkeme-i kübrada, bu üç yüz milyar davacıların karşısında sizden sorulsa ki: “Doktor Duzi’nin, baştan nihayete kadar serâpa İslâmiyet’iniz ve vatanınız ve dininiz aleyhinde ve Frenkçe ‘Tarih-i İslâm’ namındaki eseri gibi zındıkların kütüphanelerinizdeki eserlerine, kitaplarına ve serbest okumalarına ve o kitapların şakirdleri kanununuzca cemiyet şeklini almalarıyla beraber, dinsizlik veya komünistlik veya anarşistlik veya pek eski ifsad komitecilik veya menfî Turancılık gibi siyasetinize muhalif cemiyetlerine ilişmiyordunuz? Neden hiçbir siyasetle alâkaları olmayan ve yalnız iman ve Kur’an cadde-i kübrasında giden ve kendilerini ve vatandaşlarını idam-ı ebedîden ve haps-i münferidden kurtarmak için Kur’an’ın hakiki tefsiri olan Risale-i Nur gibi gayet hak ve hakikat bir eseri okuyanlara ve hiçbir siyasî cemiyetle münasebeti olmayan o hâlis dindarların birbiriyle uhrevî dostluk ve uhuvvetlerine cemiyet namı verip ilişmişsiniz. Onları pek acib bir kanunla mahkûm ettiniz ve etmek istediniz.” dedikleri zaman ne cevap vereceksiniz? Biz de sizlerden soruyoruz.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Our enemies, the  atheists and dissemblers, deceive  you, confuse  the judiciary, and busy the Government  with us in a way detrimental to the  country and  people; by calling absolute despotism “the Republic,” and making absolute apostasy part of the regime, and  calling  absolute  vice “civilization,”  and attaching  the  name of “the  law”  to arbitrary force and compulsion on account of disbelief, they  both preoccupy  the Government, and have scattered us, thus dealing blows on account of Europeans at the supremacy of Islam and the country and people.
    Ve sizi iğfal eden ve adliyeyi şaşırtan ve hükûmeti bizimle, vatana ve millete zararlı bir surette meşgul eyleyen muarızlarımız olan zındıklar ve münafıklar, istibdad-ı mutlaka “cumhuriyet” namı vermekle, irtidad-ı mutlakı “rejim” altına almakla sefahet-i mutlaka “medeniyet” ismini vermekle, cebr-i keyfî-i küfrîye “kanun” ismini takmakla hem sizi iğfal hem hükûmeti işgal hem bizi perişan ederek, hâkimiyet-i İslâmiyeye ve millete ve vatana ecnebi hesabına darbeler vuruyorlar.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Sirs! As is indicated by the four severe earthquakes in four years  coinciding exactly with the severe aggression against the Risale-i Nur students and their being persecuted, and on each occasion their occurring exactly at the time the students were attacked and  their stopping when the  attacks ceased, you are responsible  for the heavenly and earthly disasters that have occurred on our being convicted...!
    Ey efendiler! Dört senede dört defa dehşetli zelzeleler, tam tamına dört defa Risale-i Nur şakirdlerine şiddetli bir surette taarruz ve zulüm zamanlarına tevafuku ve her bir zelzele dahi tam taarruz zamanında gelmesi ve hücumun durmasıyla zelzelenin durması işaretiyle, şimdiki mahkûmiyetimiz ile gelen semavî ve arzî belalardan siz mes’ulsünüz!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    who is being held in total isolation and solitary confinement in Denizli Prison
    Denizli Hapishanesinde tecrid-i mutlak ve haps-i münferidde mevkuf
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In His Name, be He glorified!
    بِاس۟مِهٖ سُب۟حَانَهُ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Son_Sözün_Bir_Kısmı"></span>
    === Son Sözün Bir Kısmı ===
    ===Another Part of My Final Word===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Sirs! The Ankara committee of experts has confirmed our decisive reply to the charge of forming a political association insistently put forward by you as a pretext for our conviction, which you have decided upon as may be deduced from the course followed by the prosecution. While being amazed and astonished at your insisting on this point to this degree, this meaning  occurred to me:
    Efendiler! Şimdiki hayat-ı içtimaiyeyi bilemediğimden, makam-ı iddianın gidişatına göre sizce musammem mahkûmiyetimize bir bahane olmak için pek musırrane ileri sürdüğünüz cemiyetçilik ittihamına karşı pek çok kat’î cevaplarımızı Ankara ehl-i vukufunun dahi müttefikan tasdikleriyle beraber, bu derece bu noktada ısrarınıza çok hayret ve taaccübde bulunurken kalbime bu mana geldi:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    since friendship, fraternal communities and assemblies, and sincere  associations pertaining to the hereafter and brotherhood are each both foundation stones of social life, and an essential need of human nature, and a most necessary bond of great strength between people, from the life of the family to that of tribe, nation, Islam, and humanity, and a point of support  and  means  of consolation in the  face of the assaults  of the material  and immaterial things  which cause harm and alarm and which each person encounters in the universe and cannot  combat on his own, and which prevent him carrying out his human and Islamic duties; and  since there are some who give the name of ‘political society,’ although it has no political front, to the gathering together of the students of the Risale-i Nur around the teachings of  belief, which is most praiseworthy and is sincere friendship centred on the teachings of belief and the Qur’an and certainly leads to happiness in this world and in religion and in the hereafter, and is a companionship on the way of truth, and co-operation; most certainly and without any doubt, they have either been deceived in some appalling  manner, or they are extremely vicious anarchists who are both barbarously inimical to humanity, and tyrannically hostile to Islam, and harbour enmity towards society in the utterly corrupt and depraved manner of anarchy, and strive obdurately and intractably as apostates against this country and nation, the sovereignty of Islam and sacred  things of religion, or they are satanic atheists who, working on behalf of foreigners to cut and destroy the life-giving arteries of this nation, are deceiving the Government and confusing the legal establishment in order to destroy or turn against our brothers and our country the immaterial weapons which up to now we have used against them — those satans, pharaohs, and anarchists.
    Madem hayat-ı içtimaiyenin bir temel taşı ve fıtrat-ı beşeriyenin bir hâcet-i zaruriyesi ve aile hayatından tâ kabile ve millet ve İslâmiyet ve insaniyet hayatına kadar en lüzumlu ve kuvvetli rabıta ve her insanın kâinatta gördüğü ve tek başına mukabele edemediği medar-ı zarar ve hayret ve insanî ve İslâmî vazifelerin îfasına mani, maddî ve manevî esbabın tehacümatına karşı bir nokta-i istinad ve medar-ı teselli olan dostluk ve kardeşane cemaat ve toplanmak ve samimane uhrevî cemiyet ve uhuvvet hem siyasî cephesi olmadığı halde ve bilhassa hem dünya hem din hem âhiret saadetlerine kat’î vesile olarak iman ve Kur’an dersinde hâlis bir dostluk ve hakikat yolunda bir arkadaşlık ve vatanına ve milletine zararlı şeylere karşı bir tesanüd taşıyan Risale-i Nur şakirdlerinin pek çok takdir ve tahsine şâyan ders-i imanda toplanmalarına “cemiyet-i siyasiye” namını verenler, elbette ve herhalde ya gayet fena bir surette aldanmış veya gayet gaddar bir anarşisttir ki hem insaniyete vahşiyane düşmanlık eder hem İslâmiyet’e nemrudane adâvet eder hem hayat-ı içtimaiyeye anarşiliğin en bozuk ve mütereddi tavrıyla husumet eder ve bu vatana ve millete ve hâkimiyet-i İslâmiyeye ve dinî mukaddesata karşı mürtedane, mütemerridane, anûdane mücadele eder. Veya ecnebi hesabına bu milletin can damarını kesmeye ve bozmaya çalışan el-hannas bir zındıktır ki hükûmeti iğfal ve adliyeyi şaşırtır, tâ o şeytanlara, firavunlara, anarşistlere karşı şimdiye kadar istimal ettiğimiz manevî silahlarımızı kardeşlerimize ve vatanımıza çevirsin veya kırdırsın.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Prisoner
    Mevkuf
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Sirs! With your permission I shall address a few words, in your presence and apparently to you, but in fact to the secret revolutionary committee bent on corruption, which has taken on many forms, and with the  idea  of depraving this nation in the  name of disbelief  and atheism and on account of foreigners, has for thirty  or forty years employed every means to attack the Qur’an and truths of belief; and to the inhuman, thoughtless officials whom they have made a screen to themselves in this matter; and their propagandists in the guise of Muslims who have confused this court.
    Efendiler! Otuz kırk seneden beri ecnebi hesabına ve küfür ve ilhad namına bu milleti ifsad ve bu vatanı parçalamak fikriyle, Kur’an hakikatine ve iman hakikatlerine her vesile ile hücum eden ve çok şekillere giren bir gizli ifsad komitesine karşı, bu meselemizde kendilerine perde yaptıkları insafsız ve dikkatsiz memurlara ve bu mahkemeyi şaşırtan onların Müslüman kisvesindeki propagandacılarına hitaben fakat sizin huzurunuzda zâhiren sizin ile birkaç söz konuşacağıma müsaade ediniz.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    (The decision to acquit us on the second day made this fiery speech superfluous.)
    (Fakat ikinci gün beraet kararı, o dehşetli konuşmayı geriye bıraktı.)
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    in total isolation and solitary confinement
    Tecrid-i mutlakta ve haps-i münferidde
    '''Said Nursi''' ,
    Mevkuf
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Mühim_Bir_Suale_Hakikatli_Bir_Cevaptır"></span>
    === Mühim Bir Suale Hakikatli Bir Cevaptır ===
    ===The Correct Answer to an Important Question===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Several high-ranking  officials  asked me: “Why  did  you  not  accept Mustafa Kemal’s  offer of a three-hundred-lira salary and  the  post of general  preacher  in Kurdistan and the Eastern Provinces in place of Shaykh Sanusi?(*<ref>*See page 381-2, footnote 9.</ref>)If you had accepted it,  you  would have  been  instrumental in saving the lives of the hundred thousand people who were slaughtered because of the revolution.”
    Büyük memurlardan birkaç zat benden sordular ki: “Mustafa Kemal sana üç yüz lira maaş verip Kürdistan’a ve Vilayat-ı Şarkiyeye, Şeyh Sünûsî yerine vaiz-i umumî yapmak teklifini neden kabul etmedin? Eğer kabul etseydin ihtilal yüzünden kesilen yüz bin adamın hayatlarını kurtarmaya sebep olurdun!” dediler.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I told them in reply: the Risale-i Nur, which has been the means of gaining for hundreds of thousands of our fellow-countrymen  millions of years of life in the hereafter, has performed that task a thousand times over, in place of twenty or thirty years of worldly life I was unable to save for those people.
    '''Ben de onlara cevaben dedim ki:''' Yirmişer otuzar senelik hayat-ı dünyeviyeyi o adamlar için kurtarmadığıma bedel, yüz binler vatandaşa, her birisine milyonlar sene uhrevî hayatı kazandırmaya vesile olan Risale-i Nur, o zayiatın yerine binler derece iş görmüş.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    If I had accepted the offer, the Risale-i Nur, which can be the tool of nothing nor follow anything and holds the mystery of sincerity, would not have come into  being. I even told my respected brothers in prison: if those who have condemned  me to be executed because of the heavy blows of the Risale-i Nur, which was sent to Ankara, save their belief through the Risale-i Nur and are delivered from eternal annihilation, you bear  witness that I forgive them with all my life and soul!
    '''Eğer o teklifi ben kabul etseydim, hiçbir şeye âlet olamayan ve tabi olmayan ve sırr-ı ihlası taşıyan Risale-i Nur meydana gelmezdi.''' Hattâ ben, hapiste muhterem kardeşlerime demiştim: Eğer Ankara’ya gönderilen Risale-i Nur’un şiddetli tokatları için beni idama mahkûm eden zatlar, Risale-i Nur ile imanlarını kurtarıp idam-ı ebedîden necat bulsalar siz şahit olunuz, ben onları da ruh u canımla helâl ederim!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I told those who were pestering me with their surveillance in Denizli after our acquittal,  and  the  high-ranking  officials  and  police  chief  and  inspectors: It  is  an undeniable wonder  of the Risale-i Nur that in nine months of close investigations no document has been found or connection of any kind with any movement, association, or society here or abroad, in the  twenty years of my life of oppression, or in the hundreds of my treatises and letters, or  among my thousands of students. Could this extraordinary situation have been achieved by the power of thought or through some arrangement? If the private concerns of one person over a number of years are brought to light, there certainly would be twenty matters to embarass or convict him.
    Beraetimizden sonra Denizli’de beni tarassudla taciz edenlere ve büyük âmirlerine ve polis müdürüyle müfettişlere dedim: Risale-i Nur’un kabil-i inkâr olmayan bir kerametidir ki yirmi sene mazlumiyet hayatımda, yüzer risale ve mektuplarımda ve binler şakirdlerde hiçbir cereyan, hiçbir cemiyet ile ve dâhilî ve haricî hiçbir komite ile hiçbir vesika, hiçbir alâka, dokuz ay tetkikatta bulunmamasıdır. Hiçbir fikrin ve tedbirin haddi midir ki bu hârika vaziyeti versin. Bir tek adamın birkaç senedeki mahrem esrarı meydana çıksa elbette onu mes’ul ve mahcup edecek yirmi madde bulunacak.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Since the fact is this, you will say either that some brilliant undefeatable genius is organizing the matter, or that it is a truly munificent Divine preservation. It would surely be an error to contest such a genius. It would cause great harm to the country and people. While to  oppose  such  Divine  preservation  and  dominical  grace  would  be  pharaoh-like obduracy.
    Madem hakikat budur ya diyeceksiniz ki: “Pek hârika ve mağlup olmaz bir deha bu işi çeviriyor.” veya diyeceksiniz: “Gayet inayetkârane bir hıfz-ı İlahîdir.” Elbette böyle bir deha ile mübareze etmek hatadır, millete ve vatana büyük bir zarardır. Ve böyle bir hıfz-ı İlahî ve inayet-i Rabbaniyeye karşı gelmek, firavunane bir temerrüddür.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    If you say: “If we release you and do not keep you under surveillance, you may contaminate the life of our society with your teachings and obstruse mysteries.”
    '''Eğer deseniz:''' “Seni serbest bıraksak ve tarassud ve nezaret etmesek derslerinle ve gizli esrarınla hayat-ı içtimaiyemizi bulandırabilirsin.”
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''I reply:''' All my teachings without exception have been seen by the Government and judicial authorities,  and  no  matter  has been found requiring even one  day’s penalty. Forty to fifty thousand copies of those teachings have been passed from hand to  hand, being  studied attentively  and  with  curiosity, yet the  readers have  only benefited, no one has suffered  any harm. Also, since both the former court and the present court could find no indictable offences, it is an ugly and meaningless injustice for you to interfere with our acquittal granted unanimously by the new court, and with me and the Risale-i Nur, as is proved decisively by the former court only being able to give sentences of six months each to fifteen out of one  hundred and twenty of my brothers who were being held in prison, only arbitrarily and on the pretext of five or ten  words  out  of one  hundred  and  thirty  treatises, for  the  sake  of an  important personage in the eyes of the world. Moreover, I have no new teachings and none of my secrets  have remained  hidden so  that  you  should  try to  modify them through supervision.
    '''Ben de derim:''' Benim derslerim, bilâ-istisna bütünü hükûmetin ve adliyenin eline geçmiş; bir gün cezayı mûcib bir madde bulunmamış. Kırk elli bin nüsha risale, o derslerden milletin ellerinde dikkat ve merakla gezdiği halde, menfaatten başka hiçbir zararı hiçbir kimseye olmadığı hem eski mahkemenin hem yeni mahkemenin mûcib-i mes’uliyet bir madde bulamamaları cihetiyle yenisi, ittifakla beraetimize ve eskisi, dünyaca bir büyüğün hatırı için yüz otuz risaleden beş on kelime bahane edip yalnız kanaat-i vicdaniye ile yüz yirmi mevkuf kardeşlerimden yalnız on beş adama altışar ay ceza verebilmesi kat’î bir hüccettir ki bana ve Risale-i Nur’a ilişmeniz, manasız bir tevehhümle çirkin bir zulümdür. Hem daha yeni dersim yok ve bir sırrım gizli kalmadı ki nezaretle ta’diline çalışsanız.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    I am now very much in need of my freedom. Enough now of the unnecessary, unjust,  and  meaningless  surveillance  to  which  I  have been  subjected  these  twenty years. My patience is exhausted. There is the possibility that due to old age I shall utter the curses that up to now I have refrained from uttering. “The sighs of the oppressed rise to the Divine Throne” is a powerful truth.
    Ben şimdi hürriyetime çok muhtacım. Yirmi seneden beri lüzumsuz ve haksız ve faydasız tarassudlar artık yeter! Benim sabrım tükendi. İhtiyarlık zafiyetinden, şimdiye kadar yapmadığım bedduayı yapmak ihtimali var. “Mazlumun âhı, tâ arşa kadar gider.” diye bir kuvvetli hakikattir.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Then those tyrannical wretches who occupy high places in the eyes of the world said: “Not once in twenty years have you worn our headgear; you have not uncovered your head in the presence of either the former court or the present courts; you have presented  yourself  in  the  former  attire. Whereas  seventeen  million  have  taken  to modern dress.”
    '''Sonra o zalim, dünyaca büyük makamlarda bulunan bedbahtlar dediler:''' “Sen yirmi senedir bir tek defa takkemizi başına koymadın, eski ve yeni mahkemelerin huzurunda başını açmadın, eski kıyafetin ile bulundun. Halbuki on yedi milyon bu kıyafete girdi.”
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    So I replied: rather than wearing through a dispensation of the Shari‘a and under the constraint of the law, the dress, not of seventeen million or even seven million, but with their own consent  and  sincere  acceptance  of seven thousand European-smitten drunkards, I prefer to wear, in conformity with the Shari‘a and fear of God, the dress of seven thousand million. It may not  be said of someone like me who for twenty-five years has withdrawn from social life “he obstinately opposes us.” Even if it was obstinacy, since Mustafa Kemal could not break it, and two courts could not break it, and the authorities of three provinces could not smash it, who are you to struggle pointlessly to break that obstinacy to the harm of both the nation and the Government! Even if he was a political opponent, since as you have confirmed, he has severed  all  his connections with the world these last twenty years and has in effect been dead, he  would not be again raised to life, meaninglessly become involved in political life causing himself considerable harm, and struggle against you; it is therefore lunacy to have groundless fears about his opposing you. Since it is a lunacy to even speak seriously with lunatics, I am giving up speaking with those like you. I said: “Whatever you do, I won’t  feel obliged to you!”, which both angered them, and silenced them. My final word is:
    '''Ben de dedim:''' “On yedi milyon değil belki yedi milyon da değil belki rızasıyla ve kalben kabulüyle ancak yedi bin Avrupa-perest sarhoşların kıyafetlerine ruhsat-ı şer’iye ve cebr-i kanunî cihetiyle girmektense; azîmet-i şer’iye ve takva cihetiyle, yedi milyar zatların kıyafetlerine girmeyi tercih ederim. Benim gibi yirmi beş seneden beri hayat-ı içtimaiyeyi terk eden adama ‘İnat ediyor, bize muhaliftir.’ denilmez. Haydi inat dahi olsa madem Mustafa Kemal o inadı kıramadı ve iki mahkeme kırmadı ve üç vilayetin hükûmetleri onu bozmadı; siz neci oluyorsunuz ki beyhude hem milletin hem hükûmetin zararına, o inadın kırılmasına çabalıyorsunuz! Haydi siyasî muhalif de olsa madem tasdikiniz ile yirmi senedir dünya ile alâkasını kesen ve manen yirmi seneden beri ölmüş bir adam, yeniden dirilip faydasız kendine çok zararlı olarak hayat-ı siyasiyeye girerek sizin ile uğraşmaz; bu halde onun muhalefetinden tevehhüm etmek, divaneliktir. Divanelerle ciddi konuşmak dahi bir divanelik olmasından, sizin gibilerle konuşmayı terk ediyorum. Ne yaparsanız yapınız, minnet çekmem!” dediğim, onları hem kızdırdı hem susturdu. Son sözüm:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    For us God suffices,  and He  is the Best of Disposer of Affairs.(*<ref>*Qur’an, 3:173.</ref>)* God suffices  me, there is no god but He; in Him do I place my trust — He the Sustainer of the Throne [of Glory] Supreme!(*<ref>*Qur’an, 9:129.</ref>)
    حَس۟بُنَا اللّٰهُ وَنِع۟مَ ال۟وَكٖيلُ ۝ حَس۟بِىَ اللّٰهُ لَٓا اِلٰهَ اِلَّا هُوَ عَلَي۟هِ تَوَكَّل۟تُ وَهُوَ رَبُّ ال۟عَر۟شِ ال۟عَظٖيمِ
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    <span id="Bu_defaki_küçük_müdafaatımda_demiştim:"></span>
    === Bu defaki küçük müdafaatımda demiştim: ===
    ===What I Said This Time in My Short Defence===
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    The compasssion, reality, and truth of the Risale-i Nur prevents us from involvement in politics. For innocents are afflicted with calamities and we would have been unjust towards to them.
    '''Risale-i Nur’daki şefkat, vicdan, hakikat, hak, bizi siyasetten men’etmiş. Çünkü masumlar belaya düşerler, onlara zulmetmiş oluruz.'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    Some people wanted an explanation of this, and I told them:
    Bazı zatlar bunun izahını istediler. Ben de dedim:
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    In the present stormy century, the egotism and racialism proceeding from cruel civilization, and the  military dictatorships resulting from the Great  War, and the pitilessness arising from misguidance have led to such extreme tyranny and excessive despotisms  that if the people of truth defend their rights through physical force, or through severe tyranny, numerous  unfortunates will be burnt on the pretext of partisanship, and in that situation, they too will be excessively tyrannical and will be defeated. For  those who act and attack out of the above feelings, on some petty pretext, strike at twenty to thirty people because of the mistakes of one or two, and destroy them.
    Şimdiki fırtınalı asırda gaddar medeniyetten neş’et eden hodgâmlık ve asabiyet-i unsuriye ve umumî harpten gelen istibdadat-ı askeriye ve dalaletten çıkan merhametsizlik cihetinde öyle bir eşedd-i zulüm ve eşedd-i istibdat meydan almış ki ehl-i hak, hakkını kuvvet-i maddiye ile müdafaa etse ya eşedd-i zulüm ile tarafgirlik bahanesiyle çok bîçareleri yakacak, o halette o da azlem olacak veyahut mağlup kalacak. Çünkü mezkûr hissiyatla hareket ve taarruz eden insanlar, bir iki adamın hatasıyla yirmi otuz adamı, âdi bahanelerle vurur, perişan eder.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    If on the way of truth and justice, the people of truth strike only at the one who  struck, they win only one in the face  of thirty losses, and are then in a position of defeat.
    Eğer ehl-i hak, hak ve adalet yolunda yalnız vuranı vursa otuz zayiata mukabil yalnız biri kazanır, mağlup vaziyetinde kalır.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    If, in accordance with the unjust rule  of responding in kind, the people of truth also crush twenty to thirty people due to the errors of one or two, they will then perpetrate a ghastly injustice in the name of right.
    Eğer mukabele-i bi’l-misil kaide-i zalimanesiyle, o ehl-i hak dahi bir ikinin hatasıyla yirmi otuz bîçareleri ezseler o vakit hak namına dehşetli bir haksızlık ederler.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    This  then  is  the  true  reason  for  our  having  strenuously  avoided  politics  and interfering in government, and for our aversion towards it. For the power of truth we have at  our disposal is such that we could have defended our rights completely.
    İşte Kur’an’ın emriyle, gayet şiddetle ve nefretle siyasetten ve idareye karışmaktan kaçındığımızın hakiki hikmeti ve sebebi budur. Yoksa bizde öyle bir hak kuvveti var ki hakkımızı tam ve mükemmel müdafaa edebilirdik.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    But since everything is transitory and passing, and death does not die, and the door of the grave does not close, and if one suffers hardship, it is transformed into mercy; we shall surely place  our  trust  in  God  in  patience  and  gratitude, and  be  silent. To  forcibly  and harmfully  break our silence is totally opposed and contrary to justice, fairness, and patriotic zeal and endeavour.
    Hem madem her şey geçici ve fânidir ve ölüm ölmüyor ve kabir kapısı kapanmıyor ve zahmet ise rahmete kalboluyor; elbette biz, sabır ve şükürle tevekkül edip sükût ederiz. Zor ile icbar ile sükûtumuzu bozdurmak ise insafa, adalete, gayret-i vataniyeye ve hamiyet-i milliyeye bütün bütün zıttır, muhaliftir.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''To Conclude:''' The members of the Government, the politicians, the administrators, the police, and the judiciary have nothing at all over which to struggle with us. At the most, through the bigotry of absolute unbelief, which no government in the world can  defend and no one in their senses likes, and the bigotry of atheism, which  arises  from materialism  and is a fearsome plague afflicting  humanity, and through their evil, certain  covert atheists deceive a number of government officials, excite their suspicions, and incite them against us.
    '''Hülâsa-i kelâm:''' Ehl-i hükûmetin ve ehl-i siyasetin ve ehl-i idare ve inzibatın ve adliye ve zabıtanın bizimle uğraşacak hiçbir işleri yoktur. Olsa olsa dünyada hiçbir hükûmetin müdafaa edemediği ve aklı başında hiçbir insanın hoşlanmadığı küfr-ü mutlak ve dehşetli bir taun-u beşerî ve maddiyyunluktan gelen zındıkanın taassubuyla, bir kısım gizli zındıklar şeytanetiyle bazı resmî memurları aldatarak evhamlandırıp aleyhimize sevk etmek var.
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    And we say: if they incited not a few suspicious people like that but the whole world against us, through the strength of the Qur’an and Divine grace, we would not  flee; we would not lay down our arms before that apostasizing absolute disbelief and that atheism!
    Biz de deriz: Değil böyle birkaç vehhamı, belki dünyayı aleyhimize sevk etseler Kur’an’ın kuvvetiyle, Allah’ın inayetiyle kaçmayız. O irtidadkâr küfr-ü mutlaka ve o zındıkaya teslim-i silah etmeyiz!
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
    '''Said Nursî'''
    '''Said Nursî'''
    </div>


    <div lang="tr" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr">
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    <center> [[On Birinci Şuâ]] ⇐ | [[Şualar]] | ⇒ [[On Üçüncü Şuâ]] </center>
    <center> [[On Birinci Şuâ/en|The Eleventh Ray]] ⇐ | [[Şualar/en|The Rays]] | ⇒ [[On Üçüncü Şuâ/en|The Thirteenth Ray]] </center>
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    </div>

    14.04, 8 Ekim 2024 itibarı ile sayfanın şu anki hâli

    Diğer diller:

    [Part of the Defence Speeches Given in Denizli Court](*[1])

    ...

    Yes, we are a society and we are a society which every century has had three hundred and fifty million [now one and a half thousand million] members. Every day through the five obligatory prayers, its members demonstrate with complete veneration their attachment to the principles of that sacred society. Through the sacred programme of The believers are but a single brotherhood,(*[2])they hasten to assist one another with their prayers and spiritual gains.

    We are members of that sacred, vast society, and our particular duty is to teach the believers in certain, verified fashion the Qur’anic truths of belief, and save them and ourselves from eternal extinction and everlasting solitary confinement in the Intermediate Realm.

    We have absolutely no connection with any worldly, political, scheming society or clandestine group, or the covert organizations concerning which on no grounds whatsover we have been charged; we do not condescend to such things.

    ...

    If we had had any desire to interfere in worldly affairs, it would not have been with such buzzing like a fly, it would have exploded like the firing of a cannon.

    To accuse someone who defended himself vehemently in the Military Court and in the office of the Speaker of the National Assembly in the presence of an angry Mustafa Kemal, of hatching plots for eighteen years without allowing anyone to be aware of it, is certainly due to some grudge or hatred. In this question, the Risale-i Nur should not be attacked because of my personal faults or those of some of my brothers. It is bound directly to the Qur’an, and the Qur’an is bound to the Sublime Throne, so who could dare to stretch out his hand there and unfasten those strong ropes?

    Moreover, the Risale-i Nur, whose blessings —material and spiritual— for this country, and its exceptional service, are alluded to by thirty-three of the Qur’an’s verses, by three predictions of Imam ‘Ali (May God be pleased with him), and the certain news of Gawth al-A‘zam (May his mystery be sanctified), may not be held responsible for our petty, personal faults; it cannot be and should not be. Irreparable harm will otherwise come to this country, both material and spiritual.(*[3])

    God willing, the aggression and plots against the Risale-i Nur of some evil- minded atheists will be foiled, for its students cannot be compared with others; they cannot be scattered or made to give it up; through God’s grace, they will not be defeated. They have won the regard of this nation, as though they were vital for it, and are found everywhere; even if the Qur’an had not prevented them from physical defence, they still would not get involved in minor, fruitless incidents like those of Shaykh Said and Menemen.(*Kaynak hatası: <ref> etiketi için </ref> kapanışı eksik)so as to give it to the departments of government in Ankara. Read and study it carefully; if your heart (I cannot speak for your soul) does not affirm me, I shall remain silent in the face of whatever insults and torment you inflict on me in the solitary confinement in which I am now held!

    In Short: Either leave the Risale-i Nur completely free, or smash this powerful and irrefutable truth if you can! Up to now, I have not thought of you and your world. And I was not going to think of it, but you forced me, and perhaps even Divine Determining sent us on this way in order to warn you. As for us, we resolved to take as our guide the sacred rule, ‘Whoever believes in Divine Determining is saved from grief,’ and to meet all our difficulties with patience.

    Prisoner

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    Saying that we are “corrupting religion,” they have censured us for compiling a Hizb al-Qur’ani, like a large An‘am,(*[4])out of hundreds of well-known verses which are the particular sources of the Risale-i Nur, although this is an Islamic custom that has been practised since the time of the Prophet.

    They also want to convict us in connection with the Treatise On Islamic Dress, for which I have already served a year’s sentence, and which was being treated as confidential, and as recorded in the police report, was pulled out from under the firewood — they want to show that it was written and published this year.

    Also, I said strong words to the person (Mustafa Kemal) who was leader of the Government in Ankara; I criticized him to his face and he did not respond but remained silent; yet the natural, necessary, and confidential criticisms I made of him after his death while explaining the meaning of a Hadith which indicated his error, were held to be a crime. But what importance has the sake of someone who is dead and no longer has any connection with the Government besides the sake of the nation and government and the laws of justice, which are a manifestation of Divine sovereignty?

    Moreover, freedom of conscience, which is one of the principles of the Government of the Republic that we have most relied on and defended ourselves with, has been made the basis of charges against us; as though we oppose the principle of freedom of conscience.

    Another thing is attributed to me in the police report, which has never ever occurred to me, that since I criticize the evils and faults of modern civilization, I do not accept the use of the radio,(*[5])aeroplanes, and the railway; I am accused of opposing modern progress.

    God willing, the fair-minded, just Denizli public prosecutor and court will make analogies with the above examples and show how unjust are these proceedings, and attach no importance to the unfounded suspicions in those reports.

    The most extraordinary of them is this, that the public prosecutor in another trial asked me: “You said in the confidential Fifth Ray that the army would save itself from the leadership of that fearsome person.

    Your intention was to incite the army to rebel against the Government.” I replied: “What I meant was that the commander would either die or would be transferred, and the army would be saved from his domination.” How can a treatise that is both extremely confidential, and copies of which have come into my possession only twice in eight years and then been lost, and expounds a universal meaning of a Hadith about the end of time, and was originally written long ago, and moreover one single soldier has not seen — how can such a treatise be the reason for such charges? army would save itself from the leadership of that fearsome person. Your intention was to incite the army to rebel against the Government.” I replied: “What I meant was that the commander would either die or would be transferred, and the army would be saved from his domination.” How can a treatise that is both extremely confidential, and copies of which have come into my possession only twice in eight years and then been lost, and expounds a universal meaning of a Hadith about the end of time, and was originally written long ago, and moreover one single soldier has not seen — how can such a treatise be the reason for such charges?

    The strangest of all was this, that I said in one place that Almighty God’s great bounties of the aeroplane, railway, and radio should be responded to with great thanks, yet mankind had not done this and had rained down bombs on men’s heads with the planes. While thanks for the vast bounty of the radio would be shown by making it a universal million-tongued reciter of the Qur’an which would allow people all over the earth to listen to the Qur’an. And in the explanations in the Twentieth Word of Qur’anic predictions about the wonders of civilization, I said concerning the allusions of one verse that the unbelievers would defeat the Islamic world by means of the railway. Although I urged Muslims to work towards these wonders, I am accused at the end of the indictment because of the previous public prosecutor’s malice, of “opposing modern advances like the railway, aeroplane, and radio.”

    Also, although it has absolutely no connection, someone had said about the name Risaletü’n-Nur, which is another name for the Risale-i Nur, that “it is ‘a message’ (risalet) inspired from the light of the Qur’an;” and attaching a wrong meaning from another place in the indictment, they made it into another charge, as though I had said “the Risale-i Nur is a Divine Messenger.”

    Also, I have proved decisively in twenty places in my defence that we would not make religion, the Qur’an, and the Risale-i Nur tools of anything, even in the face of the whole world, and we could not, and that we would not change a single of their truths for all the world, and that is how we are in fact. Over these last twenty years there are thousands of evidences of this. Since it is thus, we declare with all our strength:

    For us God suffices and He is the Best Disposer of Affairs.(*[6])

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    A Supplement to My Objections to the Indictment

    [Those addressed by these objections are not Denizli Court and the public prosecutor, but the malicious, suspicious officials, chiefly the Isparta and Inebolu prosecutors, who with their false and inaccurate records, were the cause of the extraordinary indictment against us here.]

    Firstly: The Risale-i Nur students, who are innocent and not in any way involved in politics, have unimaginably and on no grounds whatsoever been called a political society, and the unfortunates who have joined that circle and have no aim other than belief and the hereafter, have been considered guilty of being disseminators of that society, or active officers or members of it, or of reading the Risale-i Nur or teaching it or writing it out, and have been sent to trial.

    A certain proof of how far this is from the essence of justice is that although according to the principles of freedom of thought and freedom of study it is not considered a crime to read the harmful works of Doctor Dozy(*[7])and other atheists hostile to Islam, it is counted a crime for those people needy for the truths of the Qur’an and belief to read and write out the Risale-i Nur, which teaches those truths as brilliantly as the sun. In addition, only a few sentences from two or three treatises out of hundreds, which we had held to be confidential so that no wrong meaning be ascribed to them and had not permitted to be published, were made the pretext for our indictment. Whereas with one exception, Eskişehir Court had scrutinized those treatises, seen what they necessitated. As for the exception, I gave an extremely decisive answer to it in both my petition, and my objections to Eskişehir Court, and it was proved in twenty respects that “we have light, not the club of politics.” Nevertheless, those unfair prosecutors inferred that the three or four sentences in three confidential and unpublished treatises could be extended to the whole Risale-i Nur, and accused myself and those who read and write the Risale-i Nur of contesting the government.

    I call to witness my close friends and those who meet with me, and I swear that apart from two Presidents, one deputy, and the Governor of Kastamonu, for more than ten years, I have not known who the members and ministers of the Government are, or its leaders, officials and deputies, and I have not had the slightest curiosity to find out. Is it at all possible for a person not to know the people he is contesting and not to be curious about them, for him not to know if they are friend or foe, and to attach no importance to finding out? It is clearly understood from this that they are concocting completely baseless pretexts to convict me whatever happens.

    Since that is how it is, I say not to the court here, but to those unjust people: I don’t give tuppence for the severest penalty you can inflict on me; it has no importance. For I am seventy years old and at the door of the grave. It is great good fortune for me to exchange one or two years of persecuted, innocent life for the rank of martyrdom. Through the thousands of proofs of the Risale-i Nur, I believe absolutely certainly that for us death consists of discharge papers. If we are to be executed, one hour’s distress would be the key to eternal happiness and mercy.

    But you unjust people who confuse the judiciary on account of atheism and preoccupy the Government with us for no reason! Know certainly that you will be condemned to eternal annihilation and everlasting solitary confinement, and tremble! I see you will be made to pay for it many times over. I pity you even.

    Yes, death, which has emptied this city a hundred times into the graveyard, certainly has greater demands than life. And the question of people being saved from being executed by it is the most pressing and most important they face and their most essential and certain need. Even lunatics, therefore, would understand that in the eyes of reality and justice those who accuse on petty pretexts the Risale-i Nur students, who have found this solution for themselves, and the Risale-i Nur, which provides it supported by thousands of proofs, themselves become the object of accusation.

    There are three matters which deceive these unjust people, leading them to suspect the Risale-i Nur students are a political society, with which they have absolutely no connection:

    The First: Ever since early days, my students have been passionately attached to me, like brothers, and this has given rise to suspicions of a political society.

    The Second: Some of the Risale-i Nur students have acted like the groups within the Islamic community, the same as everywhere and as is permitted by the laws of the Republic, and this has been supposed to be a society. But the intention of those three or four students was not some sort of political society, it was purely sincere brotherhood in the service of belief and a solidarity which looks to the hereafter.

    The Third: Since those unjust people know themselves to be misguided and lovers of the life of this world, and since they find some of the laws of the land convenient for themselves, they say to themselves: “Doubtless, Said and his friends are opposed to us and to the laws of the Government which are favourable to our ‘civilized’ illicit passions. They must therefore have a political society which is antagonistic to us.”

    So I say to them: You unfortunates! If the world had been eternal and man was going to remain in it for ever, and if man’s duties had consisted only of politics, there might possibly have been some meaning in these slanders of yours. And if I had embarked on this matter for political ends, you would have found not ten sentences in a hundred treatises, but a thousand, to be combative and connected with politics. And if to suppose the impossible, like you we were working with all our strength for worldly aims, pleasures, and politics —which even Satan could not make anyone believe and accept— even if it was thus, since there is nothing these twenty years to suggest this, and the Government looks to the hand and not the heart, and all governments have fierce opponents; then still there is nothing with which we can be charged according the laws of justice. My final word is:

    God suffices me, there is no god but He; in Him do I place my trust — He the Sustainer of the Throne [of Glory] Supreme!(*[8])

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    [I quote exactly an old memory and subtle matter of defence which was not disclosed in Eskişehir Court, and not officially recorded, and was not even written in my defence.]

    They asked me there:

    “What do you think about the Republic?”

    I replied: “My biography, which you have in your possession, proves that I was a religious republican before any of you, with the exception perhaps of the Chairman of Eskişehir Court, was born. A summary of it is this:

    like now, at that time I was living in seclusion in an uninhabited tomb. Someone would bring me soup and I used to give breadcrumbs to the ants. I used to eat my bread with the soup. Some people heard of this and asked me about it, and I told them: “The ant and bee nations are republicans; I give the ants the breadcrumbs out of respect for their republicanism.” So they said: “You are opposing the early leaders of Islam.” I replied: “The Rightly-Guided Caliphs were both Caliph and presidents of the republic. Surely Abu Bakr the Veracious (May God be pleased with him), the Ten Promised Paradise, and the Companions of the Prophet were like presidents of the republic. But it was not some meaningless title; they were leaders of a religious republic the meaning of which was true justice and the freedom of the Shari‘a.”

    Mr. Prosecutor and Members of the Court! You are accusing me of holding an idea the opposite of which I have held for fifty years. If you are asking about the secular republic, what I understand by it is that secularism means being unbiased; that is, in accordance with the principle of freedom of conscience, it refers to a government that does not interfere with religiously-minded and pious people, the same as it does not interfere with the irreligious and dissolute. I have withdrawn from political and social life for ten, and now its twenty, years. I do not know the state of the Government of the Republic. If, God forbid, it has taken on a fearsome form whereby, on account of irreligion, it promulgates laws indicting those who work for their belief and lives in the hereafter, I proclaim to you fearlessly and warn you:

    if I had a thousand lives, I would be ready to sacrifice all of them for belief and the hereafter. Do whatever you like, my last word is For us God suffices and He is the Best Disposer of Affairs. In the face of your sentencing me unjustly to capital punishment or life imprisonment I say:

    as the Risale-i Nur has discovered and proved certainly, I am not being executed but discharged from my duties; I am going to the world of light and abode of bliss. As for you, you unfortunates who persecute us on behalf of misguidance! Since I know that you are being sentenced to eternal annihilation and everlasting solitary confinement, I am prepared to surrender up my spirit with perfect ease of mind, having taken my revenge on you completely.

    Prisoner

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    Sirs!

    I have formed the certain opinion as a result of numerous indications that we have been attacked not for ‘breaching public security by exploiting religious feelings’ on behalf of the Government, but behind a tissue of lies, on behalf of atheism, because of our belief and our service to belief and public order.

    One proof of this out of many is that despite twenty thousand people reading and accepting the twenty thousand copies of the parts of the Risale-i Nur over twenty years, public security has not been breached by students of the Risale-i Nur on any occasion whatsover, and no such incident has been recorded by the Government, and neither the former nor the present courts have found such a incident. Whereas, had there been any such widespread, powerful propaganda, it would have become apparent within twenty days. That is to say, contrary to the principle of freedom of conscience, Article 163 of this ambiguous law,(*[9])which embraces all who give religious counsel, is a bogus mask. Atheists deceive certain members of the Government, confuse the legal establishment, and want to crush us whatever happens.

    Since the reality of the matter is this, we say with all our strength: o wretches who sell religion for the world and have fallen into absolute unbelief! Do whatever you can! Your world will be the end of you! Let our heads also be sacrificed for a truth that hundreds of millions of heads have been sacrificed for! We are ready for any penalty and for our execution! In this situation, being outside prison is a hundred times worse than being inside it. Since there is no freedom at all —neither religious freedom, nor freedom of conscience, nor scholarly freedom— under the absolute despotism that confronts us, for those with honour, the people of religion and supporters of freedom, there is no solution apart from death or entering prison. We say, To God do we belong, and to Him is our return,(*[10])and we trust in our Sustainer.

    Prisoner

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    Chairman of the Court, Ali Riza Bey!

    I have an important request in order to defend my rights: I do not know the new letters, and my handwriting in the old is very inadequate. Also, they do not allow me to meet with anyone; I am kept in what is quite simply solitary confinement. The indictment was even taken off me after fifteen minutes. I also do not have the means to employ a lawyer. I was able to obtain only one copy of part of the defence I have presented to you, in the new letters, secretly. I also had written out one or two copies of The Fruits of Belief, which is a sort of defence of the Risale-i Nur and a summary of its way, to give to the public prosecutor and to send to the departments of government in Ankara. They suddenly took them off me and have not returned them. Whereas the judicial authorities in Eskişehir sent a typewriter to the prison for us. We wrote out one or two copies of our defences on it in the new letters, and the Court wrote them out as well.

    My urgent request, therefore, is either you supply us with a typewriter, or allow us to procure one outside so that we can type out in the new letters two or three copies of both our defences, and the treatise which is a sort of defence of the Risale-i Nur. We shall then send them to both the Ministry of Justice, and the Cabinet, and the National Assembly, and the Council of State. For it is the Risale-i Nur that is the basis of the indictment, and the charges against the Risale-i Nur and the objections to it are not some petty, personal matter so that no importance should be attached to them. On the contrary, it is a general matter of serious concern to the nation, country, and Government, and will therefore arouse significant attention in the Islamic world.

    Yes, those who covertly attack the Risale-i Nur are those who in order to destroy the regard, love, and brotherhood of the Islamic world, which is the greatest strength of this country’s people, and arouse loathing, are covertly establishing absolute disbelief by making politics the tool of irreligion. They have deceived the Government and twice confused the legal establishment, saying: “The Risale-i Nur and its students exploit religion for politics and there is the possibility of their disturbing public order and security.

    You unfortunates! The Risale-i Nur definitely has no connection with politics, but since it has smashed absolute disbelief, it destroys and repulses anarchy, which underlies absolute disbelief, and absolute despotism, which overlies it. One of the hundreds of proofs that it ensures public order, security, freedom, and justice is The Fruits of Belief (Meyve Risalesi), which is like its defence. It should be scrutinized by a committee of prominent scholars and sociologists; if they do not confirm what I say, I consent to any punishment or tortuous execution!

    Prisoner

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    Chairman of the Court!

    Three matters have been made the basis of the Indictment:

    The First is a political society. I cite as witnesses all the Risale-i Nur students here and those who have met with me, and those who read or write out the Risale-i Nur; you may ask them. I have not said to anyone that we were going to set up a political society or a Naqshbandi association.

    I always told them that we were going to work to save belief. No society has been mentioned among us apart from the sacred community of Islam, which includes all believers and has more than three hundred million members. Through the brotherhood of all believers and because of our service of the Qur’an, we found ourselves in the ‘Party of the Qur’an’ (Hizb al-Qur’an), which in the Qur’an is called the Hizb Allah. If this is what is meant in the Indictment, we admit to it wholeheartedly and with pride. But if something else is meant, we know nothing of it!

    The Second Matter: As is stated in the Indictment and confirmed by the report of the Kastamonu police, some books like the Treatise On Islamic Dress (Tesettür Risalesi) and The Six Attacks (Hücumat-i Sitte) and its addendum, were found in nailed boxes under piles of firewood and coal in a condition that would in no way allow them to be published. They had been scrutinized and criticized by Eskişehir Court, a light sentence had been served for them, and they had most certainly been treated as private. Now, reading false meanings into some of their sentences, it wants to take us back nine years and charge us again with a crime the penalty of which we have already served.

    The Third Matter: In several places in the Indictment, phrases have been used which express possibility rather than actual occurrences, like “he may breach state security or he may harm it.” It is possible for everyone to commit murder, but are they to be charged with it due to the possibility?

    Prisoner

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    Chairman of the Court!

    I present my defence, which is in the form of a petition I sent to the departments of government in Ankara and to the President, and the reply from the Prime Minister’s Office, which shows that they recognized its importance. Contained in this defence are decisive answers to the unfounded and offensive suspicions that the prosecution have stated against us. There are numerous untrue and illogical things in the report of the committee of experts from here, which was based on the superficial and malicious reports of other places; my objections to these too have been presented.

    In Short: As I stated before, I told Eskişehir Court when they wanted to convict me under Article 163: out of two hundred deputies of the Republican Government, the same number, 163, agreed to assign one hundred and fifty thousand liras to my medrese(*[11])in Van. Due to this, the regard in which the Republican Government held me invalidates Article 163 as far as I am concerned. Although I told the court this, the committee of experts corrupted what I said and wrote: “163 deputies opened proceedings against Said.” It is because of this totally baseless accusation of that first experts’ committee that the prosecution is making charges against us.

    This is in spite of the fact that the Risale-i Nur had been referred, on your decision, to the highest learned and scientific committee, and having studied and scrutinized all its parts, the committee unanimously made this statement about us: “There is nothing explicit or inferred in the writings of Said and the Risale-i Nur students which suggests that they have any intent to exploit religion or sacred matters, encourage the breaching of state security, or found a political society, or conspire in any way against the Government. It is understood that in their correspondences, Said’s students did not nurture any evil intentions against the Government, or have the idea of founding a political association, or establishing a sufi order.”

    The second committee of experts also stated unanimously that “ninety-nine per cent of Said Nursi’s treatises are both sincere, and disinterested, and have in no way departed from the principles of scholarship, reality, and religion. There is clearly nothing in them exploiting religion, or concerning the formation of a political society, or breaching security. The letters and correspondence between the students and between them and Said Nursi are of this sort. Apart from five or ten confidential, complaining, and unscholarly pieces, all the treatises expound Qur’anic verses or the true meanings of Hadiths. Ninety per cent of the available treatises contain comparisons illustrating clearly the tenets of belief in God,the Prophet, and the hereafter and their terminology, scholarly views, moral admonitions to the elderly and to youths, and instructive incidents selected from his experiences in life. They contain nothing which could damage the Government, administration, or public security.

    Thus, the prosecution ignored the report of this eminent committee and made extraordinary charges against us based on the confused, deficient first report, so we are truly extremely upset. We in no way deem it fitting for this just court with its proven fairness.

    If there be no mistake in the comparison, it resembles this story: they asked a Bektashi why he did not perform the obligatory prayers. He told them: “It says in the Qur’an ‘Approach not the prayers.’” When they reminded him that the verse continued “When you are intoxicated,”(*[12])he told them: “I have not memorized the whole Qur’an.” They take a single sentence from the Risale-i Nur, and disregarding what follows it, which puts it in context and explains it, use it against us. Thirty to forty examples of this are to be seen in the defence I shall present, when comparing it with the indictment. I shall recount a subtle incident which is one of those examples:

    The prosecution in Eskişehir Court used a phrase about the Risale-i Nur’s instruction in belief which was anyway the result of an error, like “it corrupts the people.” Although it later did not use it, one of the Risale-i Nur students called Abdürrezzaq, said a year after the trial:

    “You unfortunate! The Risale-i Nur has received the indirect praise of thirty-three Qur’anic verses, its value for religion has been established by three miraculous predictions of Imam ‘Ali (May God be pleased with him) and the powerful allusions of Gawth al-A‘zam (May his mystery be sanctified); these twenty years it has caused the Government no trouble whatsoever, and besides not harming anyone at all, has illumined and guided thousands of the sons of this land, and strengthened their belief and rectified their conduct, and yet you call that guidance ‘corruption.’ You have no fear of God! May your tongue be cursed!”

    Now, the prosecution has seen these words of that student, so I refer to your fairness and conscience the expression: “Said has spread corruption.”

    With the idea of interfering in the social teachings of the Risale-i Nur, the prosecution said: “The place of religion is the conscience; it cannot be tied to laws and regulations.

    Formerly there was social unrest because it was tied to laws.” So I say: “Religion does not consist only of belief; its second half is righteous action. Is fear of imprisonment or being seen by a government detective sufficient to deter those who commit numerous grievous sins which poison society, like murder, adultery, theft, gambling, and drinking? If that was so, there would have to be a policeman or detective stationed permanently in every house, or at everyone’s side even, so that obdurate souls would restrain themselves from those filthy acts. Whereas, in respect of good deeds and belief, the Risale-i Nur places a permanent immaterial ‘prohibitor’ next to everyone. It easily saves them from bad deeds by recalling the prison of Hell and Divine wrath.

    Also, due to the signature in one treatise of a wonderful and extra-ordinary ‘coincidence,’ the prosecution made a meaningless inference, saying “the members of a political society.” Are the holders of signatures of this sort in the account books of tradesmen and innkeepers called a society. There was a similar baseless accusation in Eskişehir Court. When I replied and showed the treatise called The Miracles of Muhammad (PBUH), they were astonished. If we had formed a worldly society, those who had suffered so much harm on my account would certainly have fled from me in total abhorrence.

    This means that just as I and we have a relationship with Imam Ghazali which is not broken off because it pertains to the hereafter not to this world; so these innocent, sincere, pure religious people have displayed a powerful attachment to an unfortunate like myself for the sake of his teachings about belief. This has given rise to unfounded suspicions of an imaginary political society. My last word is:

    For us God suffices and He is the Best Disposer of Affairs.

    Prisoner in solitary confinement Said Nursi

    [This piece is very important]

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    An Important Part of My Final Word

    Sirs! Chairman of the Court! Take note! Since to convict the Risale-i Nur and its students is the equivalent of convicting the truths of the Qur’an and belief, it is to try to close —directly on account of absolute disbelief— the highway taken every year for one thousand three hundred years by three hundred million Muslims, leading to reality and the happiness of both worlds, and it will attract towards yourself their revulsion and objections. For those on the highway assist with their prayers and good works those who have already passed down it. It will also be a means to a doomsday breaking forth over this blessed country.

    What answer will you give at the Last Judgement when you are asked in the face of those three hundred thousand million claimants: “You did not interfere with the French work by Doctor Dozy called Tarih-i Islam, which from beginning to end attacks Islam, your country and your religion, nor with the works of atheists in your libraries and their free availability, nor with the students of those books who formed themselves into illegal societies, nor with the societies who opposed your politics like the communists, anarchists, the old revolutionary societies, or the negative Turkists; so why have you interfered with the readers of a work of truth and reality like the Risale-i Nur, a true commentary on the Qur’an, and its students, who have no connection with politics whatsoever and have taken the highway of the Qur’an and belief solely to save themselves and their fellow-countrymen from eternal annihilation and solitary confinement? And why have you called the friendship and brotherhood of those sincerely religious people which looks only to the hereafter, a political society? You have convicted them under a bizarre law, and that is what you wanted.” We ask you the same thing.

    Our enemies, the atheists and dissemblers, deceive you, confuse the judiciary, and busy the Government with us in a way detrimental to the country and people; by calling absolute despotism “the Republic,” and making absolute apostasy part of the regime, and calling absolute vice “civilization,” and attaching the name of “the law” to arbitrary force and compulsion on account of disbelief, they both preoccupy the Government, and have scattered us, thus dealing blows on account of Europeans at the supremacy of Islam and the country and people.

    Sirs! As is indicated by the four severe earthquakes in four years coinciding exactly with the severe aggression against the Risale-i Nur students and their being persecuted, and on each occasion their occurring exactly at the time the students were attacked and their stopping when the attacks ceased, you are responsible for the heavenly and earthly disasters that have occurred on our being convicted...!

    who is being held in total isolation and solitary confinement in Denizli Prison

    Said Nursî

    In His Name, be He glorified!

    Another Part of My Final Word

    Sirs! The Ankara committee of experts has confirmed our decisive reply to the charge of forming a political association insistently put forward by you as a pretext for our conviction, which you have decided upon as may be deduced from the course followed by the prosecution. While being amazed and astonished at your insisting on this point to this degree, this meaning occurred to me:

    since friendship, fraternal communities and assemblies, and sincere associations pertaining to the hereafter and brotherhood are each both foundation stones of social life, and an essential need of human nature, and a most necessary bond of great strength between people, from the life of the family to that of tribe, nation, Islam, and humanity, and a point of support and means of consolation in the face of the assaults of the material and immaterial things which cause harm and alarm and which each person encounters in the universe and cannot combat on his own, and which prevent him carrying out his human and Islamic duties; and since there are some who give the name of ‘political society,’ although it has no political front, to the gathering together of the students of the Risale-i Nur around the teachings of belief, which is most praiseworthy and is sincere friendship centred on the teachings of belief and the Qur’an and certainly leads to happiness in this world and in religion and in the hereafter, and is a companionship on the way of truth, and co-operation; most certainly and without any doubt, they have either been deceived in some appalling manner, or they are extremely vicious anarchists who are both barbarously inimical to humanity, and tyrannically hostile to Islam, and harbour enmity towards society in the utterly corrupt and depraved manner of anarchy, and strive obdurately and intractably as apostates against this country and nation, the sovereignty of Islam and sacred things of religion, or they are satanic atheists who, working on behalf of foreigners to cut and destroy the life-giving arteries of this nation, are deceiving the Government and confusing the legal establishment in order to destroy or turn against our brothers and our country the immaterial weapons which up to now we have used against them — those satans, pharaohs, and anarchists.

    Prisoner

    Said Nursî

    Sirs! With your permission I shall address a few words, in your presence and apparently to you, but in fact to the secret revolutionary committee bent on corruption, which has taken on many forms, and with the idea of depraving this nation in the name of disbelief and atheism and on account of foreigners, has for thirty or forty years employed every means to attack the Qur’an and truths of belief; and to the inhuman, thoughtless officials whom they have made a screen to themselves in this matter; and their propagandists in the guise of Muslims who have confused this court.

    (The decision to acquit us on the second day made this fiery speech superfluous.)

    in total isolation and solitary confinement Said Nursi ,

    The Correct Answer to an Important Question

    Several high-ranking officials asked me: “Why did you not accept Mustafa Kemal’s offer of a three-hundred-lira salary and the post of general preacher in Kurdistan and the Eastern Provinces in place of Shaykh Sanusi?(*[13])If you had accepted it, you would have been instrumental in saving the lives of the hundred thousand people who were slaughtered because of the revolution.”

    I told them in reply: the Risale-i Nur, which has been the means of gaining for hundreds of thousands of our fellow-countrymen millions of years of life in the hereafter, has performed that task a thousand times over, in place of twenty or thirty years of worldly life I was unable to save for those people.

    If I had accepted the offer, the Risale-i Nur, which can be the tool of nothing nor follow anything and holds the mystery of sincerity, would not have come into being. I even told my respected brothers in prison: if those who have condemned me to be executed because of the heavy blows of the Risale-i Nur, which was sent to Ankara, save their belief through the Risale-i Nur and are delivered from eternal annihilation, you bear witness that I forgive them with all my life and soul!

    I told those who were pestering me with their surveillance in Denizli after our acquittal, and the high-ranking officials and police chief and inspectors: It is an undeniable wonder of the Risale-i Nur that in nine months of close investigations no document has been found or connection of any kind with any movement, association, or society here or abroad, in the twenty years of my life of oppression, or in the hundreds of my treatises and letters, or among my thousands of students. Could this extraordinary situation have been achieved by the power of thought or through some arrangement? If the private concerns of one person over a number of years are brought to light, there certainly would be twenty matters to embarass or convict him.

    Since the fact is this, you will say either that some brilliant undefeatable genius is organizing the matter, or that it is a truly munificent Divine preservation. It would surely be an error to contest such a genius. It would cause great harm to the country and people. While to oppose such Divine preservation and dominical grace would be pharaoh-like obduracy.

    If you say: “If we release you and do not keep you under surveillance, you may contaminate the life of our society with your teachings and obstruse mysteries.”

    I reply: All my teachings without exception have been seen by the Government and judicial authorities, and no matter has been found requiring even one day’s penalty. Forty to fifty thousand copies of those teachings have been passed from hand to hand, being studied attentively and with curiosity, yet the readers have only benefited, no one has suffered any harm. Also, since both the former court and the present court could find no indictable offences, it is an ugly and meaningless injustice for you to interfere with our acquittal granted unanimously by the new court, and with me and the Risale-i Nur, as is proved decisively by the former court only being able to give sentences of six months each to fifteen out of one hundred and twenty of my brothers who were being held in prison, only arbitrarily and on the pretext of five or ten words out of one hundred and thirty treatises, for the sake of an important personage in the eyes of the world. Moreover, I have no new teachings and none of my secrets have remained hidden so that you should try to modify them through supervision.

    I am now very much in need of my freedom. Enough now of the unnecessary, unjust, and meaningless surveillance to which I have been subjected these twenty years. My patience is exhausted. There is the possibility that due to old age I shall utter the curses that up to now I have refrained from uttering. “The sighs of the oppressed rise to the Divine Throne” is a powerful truth.

    Then those tyrannical wretches who occupy high places in the eyes of the world said: “Not once in twenty years have you worn our headgear; you have not uncovered your head in the presence of either the former court or the present courts; you have presented yourself in the former attire. Whereas seventeen million have taken to modern dress.”

    So I replied: rather than wearing through a dispensation of the Shari‘a and under the constraint of the law, the dress, not of seventeen million or even seven million, but with their own consent and sincere acceptance of seven thousand European-smitten drunkards, I prefer to wear, in conformity with the Shari‘a and fear of God, the dress of seven thousand million. It may not be said of someone like me who for twenty-five years has withdrawn from social life “he obstinately opposes us.” Even if it was obstinacy, since Mustafa Kemal could not break it, and two courts could not break it, and the authorities of three provinces could not smash it, who are you to struggle pointlessly to break that obstinacy to the harm of both the nation and the Government! Even if he was a political opponent, since as you have confirmed, he has severed all his connections with the world these last twenty years and has in effect been dead, he would not be again raised to life, meaninglessly become involved in political life causing himself considerable harm, and struggle against you; it is therefore lunacy to have groundless fears about his opposing you. Since it is a lunacy to even speak seriously with lunatics, I am giving up speaking with those like you. I said: “Whatever you do, I won’t feel obliged to you!”, which both angered them, and silenced them. My final word is:

    For us God suffices, and He is the Best of Disposer of Affairs.(*[14])* God suffices me, there is no god but He; in Him do I place my trust — He the Sustainer of the Throne [of Glory] Supreme!(*[15])

    What I Said This Time in My Short Defence

    The compasssion, reality, and truth of the Risale-i Nur prevents us from involvement in politics. For innocents are afflicted with calamities and we would have been unjust towards to them.

    Some people wanted an explanation of this, and I told them:

    In the present stormy century, the egotism and racialism proceeding from cruel civilization, and the military dictatorships resulting from the Great War, and the pitilessness arising from misguidance have led to such extreme tyranny and excessive despotisms that if the people of truth defend their rights through physical force, or through severe tyranny, numerous unfortunates will be burnt on the pretext of partisanship, and in that situation, they too will be excessively tyrannical and will be defeated. For those who act and attack out of the above feelings, on some petty pretext, strike at twenty to thirty people because of the mistakes of one or two, and destroy them.

    If on the way of truth and justice, the people of truth strike only at the one who struck, they win only one in the face of thirty losses, and are then in a position of defeat.

    If, in accordance with the unjust rule of responding in kind, the people of truth also crush twenty to thirty people due to the errors of one or two, they will then perpetrate a ghastly injustice in the name of right.

    This then is the true reason for our having strenuously avoided politics and interfering in government, and for our aversion towards it. For the power of truth we have at our disposal is such that we could have defended our rights completely.

    But since everything is transitory and passing, and death does not die, and the door of the grave does not close, and if one suffers hardship, it is transformed into mercy; we shall surely place our trust in God in patience and gratitude, and be silent. To forcibly and harmfully break our silence is totally opposed and contrary to justice, fairness, and patriotic zeal and endeavour.

    To Conclude: The members of the Government, the politicians, the administrators, the police, and the judiciary have nothing at all over which to struggle with us. At the most, through the bigotry of absolute unbelief, which no government in the world can defend and no one in their senses likes, and the bigotry of atheism, which arises from materialism and is a fearsome plague afflicting humanity, and through their evil, certain covert atheists deceive a number of government officials, excite their suspicions, and incite them against us.

    And we say: if they incited not a few suspicious people like that but the whole world against us, through the strength of the Qur’an and Divine grace, we would not flee; we would not lay down our arms before that apostasizing absolute disbelief and that atheism!

    Said Nursî


    The Eleventh Ray ⇐ | The Rays | ⇒ The Thirteenth Ray

    1. *Since the matters were the same, our Master, Üstad Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, presented the same defence —skipping where necessary and adding where necessary— to Afyon Court as he had at Denizli. He therefore put the greater part of the Denizli defence speeches together with those of Afyon, and gave them the name of the Fourteenth Ray. Signed, His Students.
    2. *Qur’an, 49:10.
    3. *This petition was written twenty days before the Kastamonu earthquake. Through the blessings of the Risale-i Nur, Kastamonu was preserved from the disasters more than any other province, but now the disasters have begun and have confirmed what we said!
    4. *See page 389, footnote 13.
    5. *I said, to encourage the offering of endless thanks for a supreme Divine bounty like the radio, that the Qur’an should be recited on the radio so that people could hear it all over the world, and the atmosphere of the globe would become a reciter of the Qur’an.
    6. *Qur’an, 3:173.
    7. *Reinhart Dozy (1820-1883), the Dutch orientalist one of whose works was the inaccurate and derogatory Essaie sur l’Histoire de l’Islamisme, which was translated into Turkish by the atheist Abdullah Cevdet and published under the title Târîh-i Islâmiyet (Cairo 1908). [Tr.]
    8. *Qur’an, 9:129.
    9. *Article 163 of the Criminal Code: a law designed to enforce the principle of ‘secularism,’ and prevent the growth of any religious movements. [Tr.]
    10. *Qur’an, 2:156.
    11. *See, page 483, footnote 69.
    12. *Qur’an, 4:43.
    13. *See page 381-2, footnote 9.
    14. *Qur’an, 3:173.
    15. *Qur’an, 9:129.